Football Governance Bill [HL]

Lord Triesman Excerpts

2nd reading
Wednesday 13th November 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Triesman (Lab)]

My Lords, I thank many noble Lords for their good wishes and for allowing me to speak sitting down. It is a bit of paradox to be talking about a football Bill when you cannot stand up: none the less, I will do my best. I declare my interests as the first independent chairman of the Football Association, and I have had a long and warm relationship with football supporters’ organisations.

I am wearing “the blazer” largely to illustrate what is meant—rather disparagingly, I suspect—by the press about the members of the Football Association Council. We are often described, pretty accurately, as “the Blazers”, meaning old and decrepit—and wearing a blazer—and sometimes, more kindly, as the “parliament of football”.

When I first attended the Football Association Council, there were 127 people—men and women—all but two of whom were in blazers. Two were women, and neither was ever allowed to the chair the women’s football committee. That may very well reflect the point made about how women vanish when we come to look at the issues here. There were two people of colour—they were called “black faces” by the then chair of the Premier League, the amazing Herman Ouseley, whom I miss greatly—and one gentleman from Japan. One coach, the redoubtable Howard Wilkinson, refused to wear a blazer, as you would expect, and Lord Mawhinney would never knowingly wear anything that approximated to a uniform. In the “parliament of football”, there was not one footballer. Aside from very vigorous discussion on the poor quality of the tailoring of the blazers and, on occasion, on who should be on which committee or attend which dinners, some serious discussions took place about the existence of on-the-field and off-the-field regulation, prejudice and the events that compelled clubs occasionally to play with no fans present and behind locked doors—all important issues.

On one occasion, and at my instigation, there was discussion about whether people who were born men should play post-puberty against people who were born women. In my day, the issue was straightforward. It was clear that it tended to produce an unfair competition and a very significant number of serious injuries. It led us to banning those kinds of competitions because of those reasons—no other reasons. I say with regret: shame on the Lancashire County Football Association, backed up by the FA itself, because an autistic 17 year-old girl has been banned for 12 matches for asking whether a large, really quite aggressive, bearded trans woman was authorised to play in the competition in which she was playing. She was immediately accused of transphobia and the Lancashire FA seemed to take no account of her neurodiversity. She seems to me to have been treated in a shabby way, and I do not intend to let it rest.

The FA cannot be accused of reluctance in many ways. It works within the global football market, and it works to achieve a mandate for regulating pretty much everything that happens in on-field situations, but it does not regulate anything else—and it will not. When I and my successors, David Bernstein and Greg Dyke, wanted to persuade the trade association—that is what the Premier League is—that it was too parti pris and that its CEO was too close to those who were to be regulated for that to have a real effect, it was with little surprise that he would say to me, “Just look at the FA. Do you really want it to do the regulation? You must be joking”. When I looked around, I thought that that was not an unfair point in many respects.

The EFL and the EPL did not do the job either. In fact, the trade association has been allowed to fall apart. It is suing a number of its member clubs, which are in turn suing each other and the trade association. I suspect that it is great news for the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, but all of them are energetically bashing each other with multi-million-pound cudgels—less solidarity, more Vinnie Jones. The reasons for that are clear. In many cases, the clubs do not feel that they need the federation to look after their interests—although maybe the noble Baroness, Lady Brady, will say something different. Many of them are massive brands in their own right. The basis of the breakaway super league was largely due to that and because they had become distinctive.

Lest anybody tells you that it could not happen now because of this legislation, let me tell you, from being inside football for such a long time, that while you may think that that is the case, the truth is that it has already happened. The first big reorganisation steps have been taken by UEFA, with the support of the giant clubs, and recent law cases will consolidate the supremacy of the giants in this respect. The Premier League will tell you that it is the natural regulator. It plainly believes that it should do that job unrestrained. But all regulation can threaten consumer and commercial innovation. I do not believe that this will be the case, however, and this is why I welcome the Bill so much. If you tell that story to people in many other industries, they will tell you that relevant rules of engagement are possible.

It is true that the Premier League has been an extraordinary achievement. It has built a successful global business, and that is not easy to do. They say you could kill the goose that lays the golden egg. Few of the businesses that are owned by Brits and are making money in this way are keen on anything that might alter it. However, I hope it will be appreciated in the House—I say this without any rancour—that in football circles generally around the world, there is a strong feeling that we are also seriously disliked. I do not mean everybody but quite a number of people. They feel that we hoover up many of their best and aspiring players, we bring them to this country and they play in clubs which are often owned by people from other countries—that is all probably the way of business but they are seen in that way. If you really want to aggravate them—I say this to the noble Baroness the former Leader of the House—start saying to them that England is the home of football. Say that to people in Brazil who have five stars on their shirts, or to people in Germany or Italy with four stars on their shirts, or to people from Argentina with three stars on their shirts. They will say, “Do you think we’re not homes to football?” If you want to sing “Football’s coming home”, I guarantee that it will be the last time they will ever talk to you.

The test about who we should have as a regulator is a very important one, and an independent regulator is absolutely critical.

There is one other thing; I promise that I will say this very briefly. I welcome the legislation, but still missing from it is any real attempt to regulate some of the bodies that sit across football aside from the regulator. They are the bodies that will negotiate the television and other rights, and the financial arrangements that will be made will be unbelievably complex. We all think we know about football. I do not mean to upset anybody—I really do not—but I bet that your Lordships really do not. Only one specialist company ever conducted the negotiations over the financial rights—Reel Enterprises did it on behalf of the football authorities. Its complexity means that whoever the regulator is will need to understand finance. You can tinker with the regulation all you like but it will not alter some of the fundamentals about where the money flows are. Those money flows will be understood only by people who have done that job, and there are probably no more than 10 of them in this country.

I conclude on that point because I would like to see this as a possible addition to the Bill. If we really want to do the job rather than to take a step towards it and then find we failed, we ought to do the whole of the job.