Schools: Expenditure Per Pupil

Lord Storey Excerpts

Wednesday 4th December 2013 Lords Chamber

[Lord Storey (LD)]

My noble friend will be aware that the Charities Act 2011 can allow leeway for independent schools to claim charitable status if they are deemed to be of public benefit. Can the Minister make an assessment of how independent schools can further justify that they deserve this status by sharing facilities with state-educated children in the local community, thereby enhancing their education and opportunities?

[Lord Nash]

I have already mentioned the independent/state school partnerships, which are very active. I also mentioned bursaries. Precise assessment is impossible but we are keen to encourage, in any way we can, the independent sector to support the state sector. Despite the difference in finances there is a lot that both sectors can learn from each other. We should encourage the independent sector to engage with the state sector, rather than seek to berate it in any way.

Education: PISA Results

Lord Storey Excerpts

Tuesday 3rd December 2013 Lords Chamber

[Lord Storey (LD)]

My Lords, I am grateful to my noble friend the Minister for repeating the Statement. I agree with him 100% that the time for throwing stones at each other, as he puts it, should be past. That is something that schools get absolutely fed up with.

The Statement highlights the importance of head teachers. We all know that strong leadership in a school produces the results and the progress that we all want. Hong Kong, Shanghai and Singapore have been mentioned. What they have in common are focused and clear ways in which to become a head teacher, to train a head teacher and to put somebody into that role. Does my noble friend agree that we need to look carefully at how we prepare people for school leadership, that we cannot just have any unqualified person leading a school and that there needs to be proper training? On reflection, was it perhaps the wrong decision to do away with the leadership college and the leadership qualification for aspiring head teachers?

[Lord Nash]

I agree entirely with my noble friend that we need to grow a new generation of head teachers. We are going to be short of head teachers because many of them are retiring. We will have to promote younger people, which is why it is so encouraging that so many more highly qualified people are motivated to become head teachers. Many of the academy chains have very sophisticated training programmes for their heads to ensure that we grow the next generation of head teachers.

Local Authorities: Child Protection

Lord Storey Excerpts

Tuesday 26th November 2013 Lords Chamber

[Lord Nash]

The matters to which the noble Baroness refers are of course shocking. As I say, we have innovated and started the Troubled Families programme. It seems to be working well and having quite substantial effect, which is why we are expanding it to 400,000 high-risk families until 2016.

[Lord Storey (LD)]

My Lords, my noble friend the Minister will be aware of the child protection register, which is an important means of recording children at risk. There is also an opportunity to be proactive through use of this register. What plans do Her Majesty’s Government have for the child protection register in future?

[Lord Nash]

I will have to write on this to my noble friend and will do so.

Children and Families Bill

Lord Storey Excerpts

Wednesday 20th November 2013 Grand Committee

[Viscount Colville of Culross (CB)]

My Lords, I declare an interest as a television producer for the BBC. I support the amendment. It will both encourage children to extend their skills and protect them from the possible threats posed by the proliferation of new media platforms. It responds to the explosion in the range of media in which children can now appear. It takes into account the ever-changing programming available today, as factual and entertainment programmes are commissioned to entertain an audience with an increasingly short attention span and greater demands to be surprised and shocked.

The amendment would introduce a consistent local authority licensing system for under-16s who perform in the visual media, as we have already heard. As a television producer, it might seem odd that I should want to make my life and that of my colleagues more difficult by extending the regulatory regime, so that we would have to do more work when preparing for a production that involves young people. But it is because I am a television producer that I am well aware of how the present regulatory system is failing children. It often frustrates the hopes of children while failing to protect them from the dangers that may await them.

The noble Baroness, Lady Benjamin, explained the chaotic postcode lottery of different local authorities and their responses, which is very difficult for producers in the media who want to work with children. There is a case of children in a school that served two neighbouring local education authorities. The school was asked to take part in a concert to be broadcast on television. But when it came to transmission, only half the choir had permission to perform. One authority had given a licence to perform and the neighbouring authority had refused. How on earth can that be fair on the children involved?

Subsection (6) of the proposed new clause is in line with paragraph 104 of Sarah Thane’s review, which calls for a proper definition of what constitutes “performance”. The subsection is very important. It spells out which filmed activities involving children do not require a licence, although they will still of course require permission from parents and head teachers. It makes clear that everything else would be covered by the licensing system. The result would be that many new genres, which at present are not covered, would be included.

For instance, there is a new type of programming called structured reality TV, which masquerades as observational documentary while in fact the participants are open to direction. The genre covers shows such as “The Only Way is Essex” and “Made in Chelsea”, with which I am sure your Lordships will be familiar, which are massively popular with a young audience. At the beginning of the show “TOWIE”, viewers are mischievously warned, “Some of the tans you see might be fake, but these are real people, although some of what they do has had a little nip and tuck purely for your entertainment”. The warning should give the Committee a clue that the characters are subject to a narrative created by producers in which they are directed in a situation to ensure maximum drama, violence and even sex.

The Committee will be pleased to hear that at the moment most of the participants in these shows are aged over 18, but there are attempts to commission versions with much younger characters. The executive producer of “The Only Way is Essex” has said that when the producers are casting characters for these reality shows, they have to read them what is called “the talk of doom”, in which they warn them that people chosen to appear in the show will be recognised and abused in the street, their private lives will be watched and criticised by millions and their lives will be completely changed, not always for the better.

Apparently, the candidates, all from the social media generation, look at the executive producer with blank incomprehension. They cannot understand why they are even being warned about this. These young people’s private lives are already open books, thanks to social media. I fear that there is a generation who do not understand how psychologically damaging it can be have your privacy destroyed. We as lawmakers need to protect them and ensure that in an ever-changing media environment they are not exploited by the ruthless demands of the media.

Subsections (7), (8) and (9) of the proposed new clause are in line with the recommendations in paragraph 92 of Sarah Thane’s review, which suggests that, when it comes to licensing, the focus should be on the child—on what they are being asked to do and on the level of risk involved. This would ensure, as has already been said by noble Lords, that the consideration by local authorities of the risk to children is uniform and thorough. At the moment, decisions made by LEAs can be irrational. There was recently a case of a six year-old boy who was mentored and trained by the Olympic diver, Tom Daley, and who wanted to appear with him on the ITV show, “Splash”. All he wanted to do was dive with his hero on television, but at the last minute his local LEA in Cornwall refused him a licence to appear on the grounds that he was too young. You can imagine his disappointment.

If this amendment is adopted, a licensing code of practice will be rolled out uniformly to all local authorities across the country. Its risk assessment will cover the mental and physical health of the young people taking part in performances. Obviously, the risk assessments should be adhered to, but in the present climate of pressures on budgets and the intense competition to surprise and shock audiences across the media, enforcement will be crucial. The new system must include a tough regime of inspection of productions that involve children.

We are in a new world. The internet and digital television offer us a jungle of diversity and shock. We need to update, streamline and extend our present licensing system. Only then will our children’s performances on the media be directed with their best mental and physical welfare being at the heart of the production. I urge noble Lords to support this amendment.

[Lord Storey]

My Lords, I am tempted to suggest that perhaps there ought to be some regulations regarding the times that we can perform, so that we know when we will start and finish and that we are being safeguarded correctly—but clearly that is not going to happen.

I went along to an all-party group looking at children and young performers in the media. I did not realise the problems that not only children face in terms of safeguarding. I am being told to shut up—you see, I cannot even perform.

I will make three very quick points. First, the legislation that was quite rightly introduced in the early 1960s was to protect children, but since then history has moved on. Times have moved on. Never mind a few television channels, we have hundreds of them. We are seeing the law being broken. There are television shows that are breaking the law. There are others that are playing by the outdated 1960s regulations. For example, a poor lad wins a talent competition, but because the witching hour has passed, he has to sit in the audience and cannot be part of the winning group.

I remind noble Lords of the three concepts that my noble friend Lady Benjamin spoke about: consistency, transparency and making sure that safeguarding happens. Currently, safeguarding does not happen. If we take only one thing from this rather truncated discussion, it should be that safeguarding children has to be not only about safeguarding them as individuals but about safeguarding their opportunities. It cannot be right that children in some local authorities are allowed to take part while in other local authorities they are not.

When the Minister replies—briefly, no doubt—I ask him to consider how we can make this happen, because we cannot have legislation trying to protect our young people that goes back to the early 1960s. I had lots more to say, but perhaps I can save that for another time—or, hopefully, not.

[Lord Stevenson of Balmacara]

My Lords, I thank noble Lords who contributed to this debate. It is a good topic and one which we have been happy to put our names to in order for it to have the best possible chance of being successful.

The noble Baroness, Lady Benjamin, will not mind me saying that when I first came down as a raw and untutored-in-the-cinematic-arts person from Scotland, she was one of the first people I met. She wowed me then, and she wows me now. That performance—Floella, you were wonderful.

I am very pleased to be able to support this update of legislation that was last updated in 1963. Clearly, as we have heard, the world of television and film performance has been transformed since then. As noble Lords mentioned, it is important that the legislation properly reflects the full range of opportunities available to young people and at the same time builds in safeguards that will protect them from exploitation or physical or mental harm.

However, the chance to be involved in film and television work—indeed, this also applies to stage work—depends where you live, with local authorities operating rules in a very inconsistent way. There are also huge disparities in the amount of paperwork required. We need to update the legislation. It needs to widen the types of involvement suitable for child participants and to make sure that it covers the range, as has been mentioned, away from just simply acting and singing. What a wonderful world 1963 must have been if that was all you could do. I would not know. “Stop mucking about”.

Children and Families Bill

Lord Storey Excerpts

Monday 11th November 2013 Grand Committee

Moved by

[Lord Storey]

224: After Clause 73, insert the following new Clause—
“Part 3BYoung carersDuty on local authorities
(1) Where it appears to a local authority that a child within their area may provide or be about to provide care to an adult or a child who is disabled, the authority must—
(a) assess whether the child has needs for support relating to their caring role (or is likely to have such needs in the future), and(b) if the child is found to have such needs, set out what those needs are (or are likely to be in the future).(2) Having carried out an assessment under subsection (1), the authority must meet those needs for support which it considers to be necessary to meet in order to safeguard and promote the child’s welfare.
(3) Having carried out an assessment under subsection (1), a local authority must also consider whether the adult is or may be eligible for assessment under the Care Act 2013, and if so must ensure such an assessment is carried out unless that adult objects.
(4) Having carried out an assessment under subsection (1), a local authority must consider whether, in the case of a child who is caring for a disabled child, the child being cared for requires an assessment under the Children Act 1989 and if so shall carry out that assessment unless the person with parental responsibility for that child objects.
(5) The Secretary of State shall issue guidance in relation to the duties set out in subsections (1) to (4).
(6) The Secretary of State shall only issue guidance under subsection (5) after having first consulted persons whom the Secretary of State considers to be appropriate.
(7) Any service provided by an authority in exercise of their functions under this section may also be provided for the family or for any member of the child’s family, and may include—
(a) services to the adult the child is providing care for to meet the adult’s needs for care and support; and(b) services to the adult to enhance their parenting capacity.(8) An authority must provide services under subsection (7) if the authority considers that this is in the best interests of safeguarding or promoting the child’s welfare.”

[Lord Storey (LD)]

This is a model of how amendments can be dealt with. The ministerial team have gone to great lengths, on all these amendments, to meet and talk with people and to see if agreements can be made wherever possible. They have been absolutely stunning on the issue of young carers. They have met a whole range of people, particularly the National Young Carers Coalition—to which we pay tribute for its work—and we now have a government amendment, so I do not want to say very much.

On reflection, we have been slightly concerned about having the clash of the two Bills, but that clash has concentrated the mind. Although we cannot be in two places at once—my colleagues have dashed from the Chamber to the Moses Room—it has, somewhat surprisingly, shown the importance even more.

I will say no more. My colleague wants to go into more detail about how we can get a few issues clarified and be a bit more joined up.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Schools (Lord Nash) (Con)]

My Lords, it may be helpful to the Committee if, at this point, I outline the government amendment, to enable us to have a full debate. I will, of course, respond to that debate in the usual way.

The proposed new clause in Amendment 241 was announced formally in a Written Ministerial Statement from my right honourable friend the Secretary of State for Education on 8 October. It gives effect to the stated intention of my honourable friend the Minister for Children and Families during debates in the other place. He undertook to consolidate and simplify legislation relating to young carers’ assessments, and ensure that children’s legislation works with adults’ legislation to support the linking of assessments, as set out in the Care Bill, to enable whole family approaches.

This proposed new clause makes the following important changes to young carers’ legislation. It extends the right to an assessment of needs to all young carers, regardless of who they care for, what type of care they provide or how often they provide it. Local authorities will have to carry out an assessment of a young carer’s needs for support, on request or on the appearance of need. The proposed new clause also enables local authorities to align the assessment of a young carer with an assessment of an adult whom they care for, by making express provision in relation to combining assessments.

This last point is perhaps the most important of all. My noble friend Lord Howe and I agree that enabling local authorities to consider the needs of the whole family is the key to achieving our joint aim of protecting children and young people from excessive or inappropriate caring roles. The proposed new clause enables the necessary links to be made between a young carer’s assessment and, for example, an assessment under the Care Bill. This, together with planned future regulations and guidance under the Care Bill on whole family approaches to assessing and supporting adults, will provide a clear and joined-up legislative framework that will enable early identification and assessment of needs for support.

Over the summer, we have worked closely with interested parties from the statutory and voluntary sectors. This proposed new clause reflects those conversations. The reaction from the sector has been incredibly positive: I pay particular tribute and offer thanks to the National Young Carers Coalition, which has been especially constructive and supportive.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Nash]

The noble Baroness, Lady Howe, has raised an important point. As she probably knows, school governance is an area on which we are focusing a lot more. To date we have not involved the National Governors’ Association in this, but I agree that it is important that governing bodies are fully aware of and involved in this in terms of training programmes for school nurses and others. I would be very happy to talk to the NGA about how it can ensure that governors focus on this issue more closely.

[Lord Storey]

I beg leave to withdraw Amendment 224.

Amendment 224 withdrawn.

--- Later in debate ---

[Baroness Jones of Whitchurch]

Can I come back briefly on that? The noble Earl has underlined the point we were making: addressing these issues requires specialist teachers with proper guidance. I agree that you cannot pigeonhole young people and say that just because you are attracted at one moment in your life to someone of the same or different sex, then you are that for life. People have complex emotional experiences and they need to find the terminology to make sense of the journey they are going on. It is all very complicated, but that is why you need really well trained teachers who can explain this. The alternative of pigeonholing in the way the noble Earl has described makes young people feel very confused. They do not have any understanding of the language to express what they are feeling, or they do not think anyone will listen to or respect them if they admit it, or they think they will be bullied. A way has to be found to put all these issues on the table so that people can feel confident about their sexuality, whichever route it will finally takes them on.

[Lord Storey]

First, I welcome the very clever amendment in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Massey. Sometimes we have to remember the journey we have come on and how we have created some of these problems ourselves. We had a national curriculum with core and foundation subjects which was, if you like, the bible of schooling. At the time it was very progressive and a great deal of thought went into it. There might have been disagreements about what the subjects should be, but it laid down clearly what every pupil would be taught. It was easy for trainers to train teachers because they knew what the national curriculum was.

As the noble Lord, Lord Cormack, knows, the legislation laid down clearly that every school should have a daily collective act of worship. That does not happen in schools any more, although it is still the law of the land. Ofsted, when it reports, has concerns about how schools try to get round it by having a quick prayer in the classroom or whatever. So that was covered, and inspectors came to schools knowing what they were inspecting. It was not just a very narrow definition of inspections. They would look at the whole ethos of a school, and in their reports would actually use the phrase—mentioned by the noble Baroness, Lady Massey, and the noble Lord, Lord Cormack—“feel the ethos”. They would shadow a pupil for a whole day to see their experience in the school. Then as a society we thought, “Hang on a second, we are being too prescriptive here. We need to let schools be free and decide what they want to do. Perhaps the national curriculum is a bit too much for them; perhaps the type of school is all a bit too organised and bureaucratic”.

The previous Government went down the route of academies, particularly for schools that were failing pupils. Academies had slimmed-down curriculums where they did not have to teach the national curriculum so they did not have to do some things which they did not think important, whether that was PSHE or sex and relationship education or whatever. We have built on that tradition and, as political parties have coalesced round it, we have said that we want a slimmed-down curriculum. There is a lot of merit in that because in the past more of society’s concerns have been pushed on to schools, which could not cope. We now have a slimmed-down curriculum so that schools can breathe and build on their strengths. Certain schools, such as free schools or academies, do not have to follow it. What is more, we will move to being more flexible on who can teach.

We have got to a situation with the national curriculum where it is not actually a national curriculum. It does not have to be taught in Scotland and Wales, in academies or free schools. It is not a curriculum for all, so I do not know why we still use that phrase. However, we are now realising that children have a right to learn and teachers have a right to teach. Pupils have a right to be respected and understood. We suddenly realise that some of the pillars of our educational establishments are in danger of being taken away or need to be developed again.

The noble Baroness, Lady Perry, was absolutely right to say that it is not just about looking at what needs to be taught, it is how you teach it and the quality of the people who teach it. I can tell noble Lords from bitter experience that there are hundreds of schools that proudly say in the school prospectus that they teach PSHE. You go in and it is a tick-box exercise; they do not teach it. The same is true of sex and relationship education. We have got to realise that. It is all very well sitting in Committee and saying, “This is what we believe in; this is what we want”. It will not change unless we change the foundations of how things happen.

I say to the noble Baroness, Lady Massey, that I do not know what has gone wrong here. I had always thought that schools produce a school prospectus that sets out the aims and values of the school and states clearly what it does. I remember my vision and the phrase we used. We said that we wanted to, “Ignite the imagination of pupils”. We listed everything we did in the school, and why we have lost that, I do not know. Parents should be able to look through a school prospectus and see exactly what the school is doing and how it is done.

This debate is absolutely fascinating and I will make just one other point. When I first started teaching we had sex education. We followed the BBC “Merry-Go-Round” radio and television programmes and we starting teaching it at the age of seven. If you leave it until children are aged 11 and 12, it becomes a bit of a joke. They get embarrassed and giggle, but if you do it when they are six and seven, it becomes a natural progression. I hope that we realise in our deliberations, and in how we build on this debate, that other fundamentals have to be put in place as well.

[Baroness Benjamin (LD)]

My Lords, I, too, support these amendments and congratulate the noble Baroness, Lady Massey, on her persistence on these matters and issues. Like my noble friend Lord Storey, I believe that the right teaching for vision and delivery can make a difference and change lives in schools. I know this from personal experience, because I often visit primary and secondary schools across the country and always speak about philosophy to children; some as young as four years old but right up to 18 year-olds. I tell them to practise the philosophy of what I call my three Cs.

Consideration is about having respect and empathy for other people and being able to put yourself in the place of others without being judgmental. The more privileged you are, the more consideration you need to show others. The second C is for contentment, which is about having a happy, contented heart and not being jealous and envious of what other people have. The more contented you are, the more ready you are to receive what is right for you. The third C is for confidence, which is about having high self-esteem and high self-worth. If others do wrong to you, it is not your fault. It is about feeling worthy and being able to love and give unconditionally, and practising that at that very young age. I teach children how to deal with temptation and to learn to say no, whether that is to joining a gang, having sex, drinking or bullying others.

This philosophy really empowers children. It makes them feel worthy and gives them the spiritual guidance that children crave in the materialistic world in which they live today. It helps them to cope with adversity; to feel as if they belong. Children need that feeling deep in their souls. It gives them the confidence to face the world: it opens up their minds to the world. I have been doing this for the past 30 years or more and I have seen the results. However, more needs to happen: children need to feel as if they are somebody.

Every single day of my life I receive a letter from someone or meet someone in the street who tells me: “What you did for me in school saved my life. What you did showed me I could be somebody. You showed me how to lead my life the way I wanted to, to be who I should be”. I met a woman who said: “I was a crack addict when I was a young teenager. When you came into school and spoke to me, you saved my life. You showed me I was worthy. You made me look at it and see it in a different way”. We need to give that kind of philosophy to children in school: they desperately need that help.

I also agree that we need to have meaningful sex and relationship education as part of PSHE, to demonstrate what loving, respectful relationships are. Too many of our young people are learning from, and being influenced by, online pornography. Girls think they have to behave like porn stars to be liked by boys. Boys expect the girls to behave in a sexually explicit way. They both think this is what love is. Some young people are even raping and sexually abusing very young children—five year-olds are being raped—because teenagers are putting into practice what they have witnessed in online pornography. Children need to have a balanced influence about sex and to learn what love and respect are.

After one school visit, when I spoke to 13 year-old girls, I received several letters from girls who said that no one had ever told them that they were loved unconditionally. Years later, I met one of these girls who told me that she had not got pregnant and was going to sixth-form college. She wanted to be somebody: she felt worthy. We must not assume that children know how to cope or deal with the hard slog of life. We have to teach them so that they can lead the happier life that some are so desperate for. They can then pass that knowledge on to their children. It all starts at school, where they spend most of their early life. They do not always receive that guidance from home, so let us make sure that those who do not get it do not miss out. That is why I support these amendments.

Children and Families Bill

Lord Storey Excerpts

Wednesday 6th November 2013 Grand Committee

Moved by

[Lord Storey]

181: Clause 51, page 38, line 12, at end insert—
“(g) the social care provision specified in an EHC plan;(h) the healthcare provision specified in an EHC plan”

[Lord Storey (LD)]

I will be quite brief; I do not have all my papers together. I feel that all of us in this Room realise the importance of this piece of legislation. We are looking to support the work that has been going on. The needs of children with special educational needs are not purely educational, or purely to do with health or social care; a combination of provision might be needed. For the first time, as it says on the label, parents will be supported by this legislation and will not have to go through a great difficult bureaucratic system. Their children will have a plan that will clearly spell out their needs. I say again how much I appreciate the revised code of practice, which is excellent and shows clearly the steps that need to be taken.

If a parent wants to appeal against the fact that they have not succeeded in gaining a plan, or if there are aspects of the plan that they are not happy about, we should make it as easy as possible. As it says, this legislation concerns children and families; it is family-friendly and children-friendly. The notion that parents and the child or young person then have to go through a labyrinthine method to resolve issues seems to go against the grain of what we are trying to achieve. As the document says, we are supporting parents all the way through. When there is an appeal, the code of conduct rightly refers to arbitration and how it can be resolved. However, if you then have to take your “complaint” somewhere, you do not want to have to go to three different bodies. You want to be able to take it to one person or one body who can sort it out for you one way or another. That seems to be in the whole spirit of this legislation.

Without pre-empting what the Minister will say, I guess that he will point out that we are talking about very different animals here. Health people are very different from education people and local authorities. I understand that, and that it might cause problems in trying to have that single point of appeal. My preference is to have a single point of appeal so that parents know where they are going and for it to be included in the code of conduct. If that is not possible, is there any way for parents to be supported and guided through the difficult processes? We are all interested in the well-being of the parent and the child or young person. I beg to move.

[Baroness Hughes of Stretford (Lab)]

My Lords, I support Amendment 181, moved by the noble Lord, Lord Storey, to which I have added my name. I shall also speak to Amendments 182 and 272. To some extent, we are rehearsing today, in these amendments, some of the arguments that we had earlier this week about social care. They concern the fundamental question of how serious the Government are about instigating a new system that is integrated right through from the point of early identification, assessment, provision and appeal.

As the Bill stands, we have integrated assessment, at least in the EHC plans, but we do not have equal accountability in terms of integration of provision because of the social care situation. Here we do not have integration from the very important perspective of parents’ and children’s experience in relation to appeals. Therefore, I strongly support Amendment 181, which would add social care and healthcare provision specified in EHC plans to the First-tier Tribunal as a mechanism of appeal. I would be grateful if, in his reply, the Minister would go beyond what he has already said to us, which is that there are established routes of complaint about social care through local authority complaints procedures and the Local Government Ombudsman, and clear and specific routes of redress within the NHS, its complaints processes and the health ombudsman.

Anybody who has tried to help a family to negotiate those two avenues of appeal will know how complicated they are. In addition, it is very important that, in relation to the substance of the complaint—as opposed to maladministration—they do not end up with an independent adjudication between the views of the complainant and the views of the service provider. The parents in this case would have to, for example, fully exhaust the local authority’s own complaints procedures as a first step; that could take many months. Of course, that adjudication is not independent; it is the local authority adjudicating on the complaint. They can then go to the Local Government Ombudsman, but that person will adjudicate only on the principle of maladministration—that is, on whether the authority has not followed the proper procedure. He will obviously not adjudicate on the substance of the complaint. It is a similar situation in relation to health.

Therefore, if the parent has to negotiate those two systems, it can take a very long time. Many noble Lords will have had a number of pieces of correspondence from Jane Raca, who is a lawyer and author and has a 13 year-old, very disabled son. She outlines the detail of the Local Government Ombudsman procedure and shows that it takes months and sometimes years. I know from my previous constituency experience that that is the case and, furthermore, it does not actually judge independently on the substance of the complaint.

The other important point is the one made by the noble Lord, Lord Storey, that—by their nature, and this is very welcome—EHC plans are meant to integrate an assessment around social care, health and special educational needs. A severely disabled child is likely to have needs in all three categories, so a parent might have concerns or complaints about all three categories of need. Under the current arrangements, as the noble Lord, Lord Storey, said very clearly, they would be faced with the almost impossible task of appealing through three different systems at once, at the same time as coping with a very disabled child and probably other children in the family. That is just not reasonable. If we came at this through the vision of the parent contemplating that system, it would look impossible. It would defeat many of us, let alone parents coping with very disabled children. Therefore, I really hope that the Minister will take this on board and see this very important and welcome principle of integration right the way through from assessment to appeal.

Our Amendment 182 would oblige the Secretary of State to publish information about special educational needs cases going to the tribunal. We feel it is important to bring much needed transparency into the system and put an end to practices by some, though not all, local authorities, such as systematically taking cases to court, keeping the cost down in the knowledge that many families will not challenge a decision or spend any money on legal fees, in order to avoid having to pay for the provision in the first place—taking the step early of going to appeal, rather than trying to get a local resolution. Whatever the Government decide, it is important that we regularly review which kind of cases are going to the tribunal and their outcomes, and that we have this information published regularly.

Amendment 272 simply ensures that the detail of, and any change to, the provisions in Clause 51(4)—that is, the regulations laid to provide for appeals to the First-tier Tribunal—will be subject to an affirmative resolution procedure through statutory instrument. It is right that Parliament should be able to comment on the proposals for appeals that the Government put forward.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Low of Dalston]

I did not quite follow the point that the noble Baroness, Lady Perry, made when she talked about the danger of privileging children with special educational needs over other children. The fact is that we have a separate system that children with special educational needs can get into, and if they do not have them they cannot do so. However, for those who can get into the system it is surely right that it is the best possible system that we can make it and is immune from criticism on the sort of grounds that have been advanced this afternoon regarding the need for a single point of redress.

[Lord Storey]

I very much welcome each contribution on this amendment and thank the Minister for his response. I want to reflect carefully on what he has said. I agree with the noble Baroness, Lady Perry, that we would have to consider carefully any suggestion of inequality or people being treated differently. As always, the noble Baroness, Lady Morris, puts her finger on the issue. Those of us who have worked in education know that the culture of social services and health services—please do not take offence—is often different from that of education services, and friction and difficulties can often occur.

When I was researching this topic, I was thinking, “Yeah, come on; it makes sense to have one single point of appeal, doesn’t it? Who could argue against that?”. But then people say to me, “Oh no, because, because, because”. I would want to test that a little more thoroughly. It would have been interesting if the Government had put it the other way around and said, “We want you to make this work. Never mind your different cultures; we want one point of appeal. Go away and do it”. When they come back with the work we would then see whether it was possible. I really want to interrogate this issue because it surely makes sense.

Finally, I thank the Minister and welcome his comments on Amendments 183 and 184. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment 181 withdrawn.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Storey]

I want to make a few points on both these amendments. I do not particularly like award ceremonies, but if there was one, the award for the most persistent Lord—the “dog fighting for a bone” award—would have to go to the noble Lord, Lord Addington. No sooner had I become a Lord than he was on at me about how important this matter is. From time to time, we should applaud each other’s efforts. I very much applaud his efforts on this.

The point made by the noble Baroness, Lady Perry, about the support that universities and schools give was important. I know that we do not particularly like giving anecdotal tales, but I will give one. A close friend of mine has a daughter who has mild cerebral palsy. She is dyslexic and dyspraxic. The support that she had at school was amazing. She went on to the University of Leeds, where she was given a scribe to help her work and so forth. When she had difficulty in her first year, the university let her repeat the year. She repeated a term and has now passed and—guess what—she is doing a master’s degree. If we can give that support in higher education and schools, we should give it for apprentices as well.

[Baroness Sharp of Guildford]

I would just like to point out that the support given in further education colleges, which provide much of the off-the-job training for apprentices, is also considerable. They also provide scribes and so forth. The problem is the accreditation procedures that are required for apprenticeships. It is a very narrow issue and it is quite absurd that we have not been able to solve it.

[Lord Storey]

I thank my noble friend for that.

I now turn to the graduated approach. We have come a long way in special educational needs, have we not? Schools must have SENCOs and a written policy. That is all to be applauded. The code of conduct clearly says that there has to be a qualified teacher working at the school, and that a newly appointed SENCO must be a qualified teacher and have the appropriate qualifications. Of course, we have SENCOs in schools who do not have those qualifications and we may need at some stage to visit that issue. The SENCO is important. You can have all the policies in the world but the SENCO makes them happen.

When we were talking about this—and I have experience of school action, school action plus and IEPs—I was quite alarmed. I said, “Man the barricades”. But the code of practice is a realistic response. It is clear in all sorts of ways. It states, on initial identification:

“As part of a graduated approach to tackling need … reviews of progress should be held once a term”.

Maybe that “should” should be “must”. It continues by stating that,

“there should be a plan that focuses on what outcomes are expected and the support that the school, college and any relevant agencies will provide”.

I applaud the document and I am more relaxed about the issue.

I say to the noble Lord, Lord Low, that I thought that IEPs were a real step forward, but my experience of them is that in many cases, sadly, they have become paper-writing exercises and increase the bureaucracy. What is needed is a much more focused and realistic approach, which is why I like the fact that the code states that the teacher has to meet the parents once a term and discuss the progress that has been made, presumably outside the normal parents’ evening.

I am slightly relaxed about the concern about school action and school action plus. What is in a name? It is not about a name. It is about an approach, an ethos, a culture and a doing mentality. I am sure that the progress we are making on that will help towards it.

[Baroness Howarth of Breckland (CB)]

We could talk about both these amendments all night. I just want to say two sentences. First, I agree with the noble Lord, Lord Storey. It is not about the name but about what will happen in the process on the ground in relation to that amendment. Returning to the noble Lord, Lord Addington, I agree with the noble Baroness, Lady Sharp. We need to focus on the very narrow issue of ensuring that this process can be taken forward. Quite frankly, the Labour Government should have got this into their apprenticeship legislation when they brought it forward in the previous Parliament. If the Minister cannot do what the noble Lord suggests, I hope he will take this away, look at it and come back on Report. That is the simplest way, and it is achievable.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Storey]

My very first Oral Question was on dyslexia. I have raised the issue on a number of occasions and the Government’s response has always been positive in the sense that they say they have made more money available to universities for courses that they run. It seems very simple and yet very important, first, to ensure that all teachers—not just some—have an understanding of special educational needs and how to identify problems. To have early intervention, you have to be able to identify the problem, otherwise it does not work. Where a classroom teacher sees an issue, they need to be able to understand it and then refer it to the SENCO. The best way of doing that is through training our teachers. It is almost a no-brainer: it is very simple and easy to do and lots of universities and training institutions currently do it. If some do it, why can all not do it?

The second issue, as has been pointed out, is something that we have already put in the code of conduct, where it is very clearly spelled out. We must congratulate the Government on taking the next step and saying that not only should SENCOs be qualified teachers but that, furthermore, newly appointed SENCOs should have the relevant qualification. That is very important—it was not mandatory before and now it is. They are the people who can then deal with all the other issues we have talked about. I would take it a step further and say that existing SENCOs, who are not newly appointed to the SENCO role but may have been in post for several years, should also have to obtain this qualification. They might be doing it for the next 20 years, so should also have that qualification. We should perhaps give them a period of several years’ latitude to take the qualification, but we want to see a situation where teachers, through their training, know the issues and where there is a qualified person in every school to deal with these issues. That way, the excellent work that is suggested in the code of practice will actually happen, because there are people who know what they are talking about and know what to do.

[Baroness Jones of Whitchurch (Lab)]

My Lords, I will comment briefly on the amendments and support the noble Lord, Lord Addington, and other noble Lords who have spoken this afternoon. As ever, the noble Lord, Lord Addington, made a very powerful case for quality teaching to identify children with dyslexia and all other specific learning difficulties. It is important that we broaden it and do not just concentrate on the—very important—needs of children with dyslexia.

In earlier debates on the Bill, and again this afternoon, we have stressed the importance of earlier intervention. The noble Lord, Lord Storey, has just done that again. It is important that we identify children at the earliest opportunity so that we can give them the support they need to maximise the opportunities that their education can give them. These amendments clearly build on that theme. However, for early intervention to take place consistently, all teachers should be trained in the technique of spotting where it might be necessary. They need to be aware of the range of support mechanisms that are effective and can make a difference. This cannot be left to chance or to some teachers developing a personal interest in SEN, which is, all too often, what happens at the moment.

For each teacher who is unaware, or fails to act, another child’s life chances are blighted. We very much agree with the mandatory module in teacher training. Leaving it to individual schools to provide the knowledge and skills for teaching staff will leave it too late, and we believe it will result in piecemeal provision if we proceed on that basis. Sorting this provision out is crucial to the success of all other aspects of the Bill when it comes to SEN. If we do not get teacher training right, all the other aspects of support that we are talking about here will fall at the very first hurdle.

We also agree with the proposal that the SEN co-ordinator should be a qualified teacher who has been trained in SEN and specific learning difficulties, and we were pleased that the Minister has now acknowledged that the co-ordinator should be a qualified teacher. These high-level skills are crucial to ensure that the school properly focuses attention on the needs of specific groups of pupils, as specified in the new Ofsted framework. It is an interesting development that, with the Government’s new-found faith in unqualified teachers, special educational needs co-ordinators will be the only posts in a school required to be qualified teachers, but I slightly digress.

This leads to another issue, which is that if the Minister agrees with the amendments with regard to teacher training modules and the status of school SENCOs, we are faced with a considerable knowledge deficit among existing teachers, both qualified and unqualified. What further steps do the Government intend to take to ensure that training for existing teachers and, indeed, existing SENCOs can meet our expectation of early intervention and action? How can we be confident that their knowledge of the latest physical and technical equipment is kept up to date if we are focusing just on newly qualified teachers and new training for SEN teachers? I am echoing the points made by other noble Lords, and I hope that the Minister will be able to address the issues.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Addington]

My Lords, for me this is a case of “three times pay for all” when it comes to dyslexia. The reason I have tabled this amendment is because you find abundant evidence of special educational needs among our prison population. The estimates for the number of prisoners on the dyslexia spectrum range from 20% to 50%, the higher figure being the more frequently occurring. It is generally accepted now that every problem to do with literacy and educational attainment occurs in abundance throughout our prison population. I have singled out dyslexia for screening because of my interest in it and because it will probably be the most frequently occurring problem.

Why do we need to conduct screening for dyslexia? A few years ago I became familiar with a project in Chelmsford Prison under the leadership of Jackie Hewitt-Main. She discovered that lots of dyslexics would go nowhere near the education department. One realises in three seconds that they go nowhere near it because it constitutes a bad experience for them. Most prisoners are no longer in school by the age of 14. If someone has not been attaining in the education system, it is an unpleasant experience and they often find themselves getting into enough trouble to send them to prison. It is as if they are saying, “Let us go in there and go through a bad experience in the classroom”. Suddenly, it becomes obvious that they will try to avoid that. The redoubtable individual I mentioned was originally looking at head injuries, of which she found many. She did a survey of prisoners who would not go into the education block. She found that once you had established that link to their previous experience these prisoners became much more open to training and to assistance in changing their lives. The incidence of violence on the wing in question dropped and the prisoners stopped hitting one another quite so much—perhaps they had something to talk about. It was subsequently discovered that half the prison warders were in the same boat. As an aside, dyslexics tend to like regular hours and regular forms et cetera. They do not like promotion when they have to change the form, but that is an aside for another day.

So having a form of assessment on entrance into the system would seem to be sensible idea. Once again, I have one caveat, which I have given before: you should probably extend this to a list of other conditions. For example, I discovered that Asperger’s is overrepresented as well. If you have problems with communication and you have problems with the law, once again it becomes quite obvious how that could happen and you go down the list. But the principle of screening is a good one. Of course, you have to back this up with the correct action. I am afraid that bits of the Prison Service have a history of screening and saying, “Yes you are”, and then doing nothing about it. An awareness programme must back it up. That is what is required.

The noble Lord, Lord Ramsbotham, who I am afraid has had to leave us, asked me to speak to his Amendment 213. The idea that you should maintain the EHC plans once you are inside the prison system or custody service does not require much thought. If you have an identified process going or a pattern of activity, it should be maintained or at least replaced by something extremely similar to it or better. That is fairly straightforward.

Then we come to another thing that the noble Lord, Lord Ramsbotham, has tabled: removing Clause 70 from the Bill. I was half thinking about putting my name to this amendment, but I was beaten on the draw by many other Members of the Committee. Noble Lords should not press this if the Minister can tell us that the Ministry of Justice has a specially constructed programme that will address the needs of its client base that goes beyond, and is more appropriate than, that provided outside. That would be a good reason for not removing the clause because—nobody disputes this—we have a very high need base. If there is something that it is appropriate for adults or young people disaffected with the education system and is especially suited to them, you should not remove it.

If we do not get that quality assurance, we will not get people who will be able to talk about administering educational needs identification or coping strategies for how to access further education, where it is appropriate, and there will be problems. If you do not have people with a degree of sensitivity and skill in there, you should remove the clause. If we hear that we are going to do lots of wonderful things with people who are not properly trained, not skilled and not accustomed to the environment they are going into, the possibility of achieving nothing or even doing damage is high. These are probing amendments and I look forward to hearing what my noble friend has to say.

[Lord Storey]

Any hope of improving the education of detained young people must include addressing their special educational needs. It is a frightening statistic that 70% of those young people have special educational needs and 20% of them currently have statements.

The existing statutory duties placed on those councils that have a youth offender institution in their area—a host authority—by the Apprenticeship, Skills, Children and Learning Act 2009 are to use,

“best endeavours to secure that appropriate special educational provision is made”,

but of course councils have never had the funding or the commissioning responsibility for securing that education. Those duties are currently fulfilled through contracts made by the Education Funding Agency funded by the Ministry of Justice.

As the concept of the host authority has never been implemented in practice, it would perhaps be helpful to see this complicated situation resolved by repealing those clauses in the Apprenticeship, Skills, Children and Learning Act 2009 that refer to the host authorities. The Government have acknowledged that the current situation is not working, and could use the opportunity to make provision for young offenders with special educational needs that can work in practice and really address the needs of those young people.

Schools: Unqualified Staff

Lord Storey Excerpts

Monday 4th November 2013 Lords Chamber

[Lord Nash]

My Lords, we are seeking to improve the quality of teacher training by bringing more of it into schools. We now have 357 teaching schools and more teachers being taught under SCITT programmes. Ofsted reports that 31% of SCITT courses are good or outstanding as opposed to only 13% for higher education establishments.

[Lord Storey (LD)]

My noble friend the Minister is right to remind us that the number of unqualified teachers in our schools was higher under the Labour Government than it is now. That Government also allowed teaching assistants to teach classes. How does the Minister think we can ensure that qualified teachers get sufficient training to become the school leaders of the future?

[Lord Nash]

I agree entirely with my noble friend that this is very important and that we have to bring more young teachers into leadership. We trust head teachers to develop teachers in their schools through CPD. Many good schools and good academy chains have a very strong focus on doing this.

Schools: Curriculum

Lord Storey Excerpts

Wednesday 30th October 2013 Lords Chamber

[Lord Nash]

Schools must teach English, maths, science and religious education. It is absolutely clear that in order to pass exams in this country, all pupils must have a core body of knowledge as assessed by GCSEs.

[Lord Storey (LD)]

My noble friend is aware that the national curriculum is neither national nor has to be a curriculum for all schools. How do we ensure that those areas of child development and education, about which we have all expressed concern in this Chamber, which are essential to young people and children are taught in all schools—whether academies, faith schools, free schools or what were called county schools?

[Lord Nash]

All good schools seek to develop their children’s character through a PSHE programme. We do not feel that the programme should be legislated for in its content. Circumstances of the different schools and pupils in them vary greatly, and we should leave it for teachers to decide exactly the approach that they take.

Children and Families Bill

Lord Storey Excerpts

Wednesday 23rd October 2013 Grand Committee

[Lord Low of Dalston (CB)]

My Lords, having laboured, not without difficulty, up the lower slopes of this major and compendious piece of legislation, we come at last to a major plateau where we can either take our rest or chafe at the impediment it still constitutes on the way to the summit.

I refer to Part 3, on special educational needs. I describe it as a major plateau because more than 200 amendments to Part 3 have been tabled for debate in 35 groups. I fear that I am responsible for more than 20 of them. At the current rate of progress, that should take us a good five days. Perhaps that is not so bad; four were allowed for in the Committee calendar. I certainly do not intend to hold up progress any more than necessary. I just observe, however, that the fact that there are so many amendments testifies to concern that the Bill is not yet in a fit state to go on to the statute book if it is properly to serve the needs of the children and young people whose lives and futures it deals with; to disappointment that the Government have not been more responsive to concerns raised so far; and to the hope that we will see more movement as the Bill passes through this House, so that its passage into law does not need to be delayed beyond the timescale that the Government have in mind.

Let us see whether we can get four amendments out of the way without more ado. I am moving Amendment 65B and speaking to Amendments 87, 90A and 105. Amendments 65B, 67 and 105 would ensure that the Bill covered children and young people who have a disability under the Equality Act 2010 but do not have a special educational need. The language varies slightly, and this is just a random selection of places in the Bill where children and young people with a disability but not a special educational need could be inserted. Clause 19 deals with local authorities’ role in supporting and involving children and young people, Clause 26 deals with joint commissioning arrangements and Clause 30 concerns the local offer. In that sense, they are probing amendments to gain more understanding of the Government’s reasons for introducing a Bill that deals with children with special educational needs but not with children and young people with a disability who do not have special educational needs. Amendments 65B and 90A also ensure that the principal obligation owed by local authorities by virtue of the Equality Act to children and young people with disabilities but not a special educational need—the duty to make reasonable adjustments —is covered. Amendment 90A, in particular, is designed to ensure that the reasonable adjustment duty is firmly integrated into the planning of education, health and social care services.

Part 3 applies to children and young people with special educational needs. Children and young people with special educational needs are defined in the Bill as those who have a significantly greater difficulty in learning than the majority of others of the same age or a disability which prevents them from making use of the educational facilities usually available in that area. Although many disabled children and young people are covered by that definition of SEN, some are not. For example, the following children would be disabled but have no special educational need: a child with a physical disability whose school was completely accessible to them or a child with a serious health condition that does not impact on their learning or ability to access the school premises. That group could include those with epilepsy, asthma, diabetes or a motor or musculoskeletal disorder, all of which might require medical treatment or therapies to be administered in school, possibly alongside a social care package at home, but would not require any educational interventions.

Research from the universities of Bath and Bristol, commissioned by the DfE itself, estimated that around 25% of disabled children do not also have special educational needs. The impact of this omission is that the Bill will require local authorities and clinical commissioning groups to plan jointly under Clause 26 and review under Clause 27 provision for the 75% of disabled children and young people with SEN but not for the 25% of disabled children without SEN. Under Clause 30, local authorities must set out a local offer of services available for the 75% of disabled children and young people with SEN but not for the 25% without SEN. The Bill thus creates a dividing line between children with SEN and disabled children without SEN and, as a result, certain things must be done for one group and not the other.

As well as being unfair, leaving disability out of Clauses 26, 27 and 30 does not make sense on a practical level. The label SEN is simply not used by social care or health commissioners. For example, under the Children Act 1989, social care services are delivered to disabled children, not children with SEN. Locally, the Bill as currently drafted will lead to confusing arguments about whether a service is for children with SEN or only for disabled children. There would be no additional cost to including disabled children without SEN in the duty to review services or jointly commission services. It could even end up saving money by creating a more streamlined system.

There are three things wrong with leaving disability out. First, as we have seen, in the new world of integrated education, health and social care, it will lead to confusion and unnecessary boundary disputes. Secondly, it misses a golden opportunity to rationalise the legislation on SEN and disability. SEN legislation is a river fed by two tributaries—SEN legislation itself and disability discrimination legislation. These overlap to a significant extent—some 75% as the universities of Bath and Bristol have shown—but not entirely. This Bill would be a perfect opportunity to bring the two streams together into a single, more coherent framework. Thirdly, leaving disability out goes back on what was promised in the Green Paper on SEN and disability.

This promised a new deal for children with SEN and disabled children. Local authorities would be required to set out a local offer of services available to support children who have SEN or who are disabled. There would be stronger strategic planning and commissioning duties to support children who have SEN or who are disabled. The Bill sets out stronger strategic planning and commissioning duties but, importantly, it does not include disabled children in these clauses, as was promised. I understand that the Government believe that disability is adequately covered in the Bill as a result of Clause 20 but the references to disability there are all to a disability that calls for special educational provision to be made. I fear that does not really bring in those with disabilities but without SEN.

Finally, to hammer the last nail in, it should be noted that the Education Select Committee, in its pre-legislative scrutiny, was in favour of including disabled children without SEN. It said:

“The evidence makes a strong case to include disabled children, with or without SEN, in the scope of entitlement to integrated provision … We recommend this”.

I hope very much that the Minister will review the legislation with a view to bringing in this important category of children and young people. and thereby making the legislative framework a lot more coherent and practical. I beg to move.

[Lord Storey (LD)]

My Lords, I shall speak to Amendments 67 and 68. The current test in the Bill for whether someone has special educational needs is whether they have a learning difficulty or a disability that would require special educational provision, defined in Clause 21 as,

“educational or training provision that is additional to, or different from, that made generally for others of the same age”.

Amendment 68 would mean that the test of whether someone has a special educational need would be based not on whether they need special educational provision but, instead, on whether provision has to be made for them to access education. What is the difference? Someone could have barriers to their accessing education which do not require,

“educational or training provision that is additional to, or different from, that made generally”.

For example, simply being unable to access a class, due to stairs, for a wheelchair user, is nothing to do with education or training provision but instead about their ability to access education.

Why do I think that this amendment is important? When the Government originally published their proposals for the Bill, when Sarah Teather was the Children’s Minister, the focus was very much on special education and disability needs. The Government have said that this does not prevent the provisions being applied to disabled children when there are barriers to them accessing education. Clause 20 includes disabled children as people who have special educational needs. However, clarity is needed about what might constitute a barrier to education. Are we just talking about things such as additional support—Braille, and so on—or do we include the simple ability to get to a class or get through a lesson due to a spinal problem? This amendment is a probing one to clarify that educational or training provision includes the ability to access education and does not apply only to the actual classroom or teaching session.

I move on to Amendments 220, 221 and 222. Your Lordships all get letters, briefings and, in some cases, speaking notes from a whole host of organisations. I am always amazed at the fortitude of those organisations in campaigning, rightly, for what they really believe in. But sometimes, in the barrage of the correspondence, we get personal letters or comments from individuals who are not part of a gigantic campaign—they are individual snapshots of how that person feels. One such letter came to me some time ago, about allergies. I remember in my own school children with nut allergies. Knowing nothing about it, I did a bit of exploration and realised that this was very serious. If they had an allergy, we needed to make sure that their photographs were pinned up by the canteen and that the Epipen that they needed to save their lives was readily available.

I want to read you this letter from a child, whose name I shall not mention, because it shows how important it is that no child with a medical condition should be prevented from having full-time school provision. The letter says:

“Since the age of 9 months I have had to use the EPI-PEN 13 times. Regardless of all my allergies I have always had a positive attitude to life, and that’s how my mum has always taught me to help me learn how to live in the bigger wider world and my dad has always taught me to smile. Because of this I have been able to live my life to the fullest and we have travelled and had fun whilst doing many exciting things. Nursery, primary and my first year of high school were great and memorable years and the schools have always managed with my allergies.

Now we zoom into 2013 and let’s see what’s going on now. We’ve moved in a new area and my mum applied for schools in our area as they were more nearer to home, we didn’t get the schools we applied for but in the meantime I was offered a place in another school straight away. But all the staff in my new school are worried about my allergies and they aren’t giving me a starting date, it’s been 8 weeks I’ve been out of school and still don’t know when I’m starting!”.

I read that letter as an example of how a medical condition, which the school should cater for, is preventing that poor little girl being able to get to school.

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Nash]

I reassure the noble Baroness that the amendment is not just about managing medicines but is about supporting pupils with medical conditions. We do not plan to set out a long list of particular medical conditions but I believe that we intend to cover her concerns in the regulations. I shall go on to explain how we might do that.

I am pleased to hear that news of the new duty has been warmly received by stakeholders. Unison has welcomed the guidance and what it will mean for its members. The Council for Disabled Children has said that this should ensure that the,

“needs of children with medical conditions … are fully met in school, enabling them to achieve the best possible health and education outcomes”.

Diabetes UK has described the duty as a “major step” to help to ensure that children with long-term medical conditions receive the support that they need at school. Those are just three among many stakeholders who have offered their assistance with developing the guidance, and signals strong commitment and determination to deliver guidance that will make a real difference.

The noble Baroness, Lady Howe, and others asked for assurance that we will really make this work. I have therefore asked officials to work with noble Lords who are interested, the Health Conditions in Schools Alliance and other partners, including unions, the Council for Disabled Children and the Department of Health, on the content of that guidance. I hope to be able to report on progress before Report. I note the point that the noble Lord, Lord Northbourne, made in this regard.

Early discussions have already taken place with members of the alliance and other stakeholders, focused specifically on the content of the guidance. We are fully aware of the need for the guidance to cover issues such as the role of school policies and the appropriate use of individual healthcare plans. Other key issues that we would expect to see covered in the guidance include staff training, co-operative working with healthcare and other professionals, and working with parents in the best interests of their children. In addition, we would expect that the guidance will signpost to good-practice case studies and other useful information relevant to specific medical conditions.

I assure the Committee that, in my view, advice from our stakeholders will be invaluable in ensuring that we get the content of the guidance right. Their help will be critical in enabling us to produce guidance that is accepted by schools and that is effective in helping them to support pupils with medical conditions.

[Lord Storey]

Can my noble friend clarify that the schools in Part 4 also include free schools and early-years settings?

[Lord Nash]

The answer is yes.

In developing the guidance, we would welcome discussions either bilaterally or by hosting a round table discussion, whichever is more helpful. Once the draft guidance is prepared, we intend to consult publicly before publishing a final version next year. This will give schools one term’s notice of when the new duty comes into force.

I have listened with interest to the debate on the other grouped amendments. I hope the Committee will agree that the amendment I have tabled will help to support a significant group of children, many of whom meet the Equality Act definition of disability, who previously may not have been explicitly covered by the provisions of the Bill. I would like to reflect further on the other points raised in debate today in relation to the other amendments before us and consider them further. In doing so, I would be grateful for the Committee’s help in providing specific examples of other conditions or other groups of children who are having their educational opportunities restricted, and who are not supported by either existing legislation or the provisions of the Bill as they currently stand.

The noble Lord, Lord Low, gave some specific examples, most of which would be covered by the amendment that I have tabled, but other examples would be helpful. It is always a pleasure to reply to the noble Baroness, Lady Grey-Thompson, who is one of our country’s greatest athletes—

--- Later in debate ---

Moved by

[Lord Storey]

66: Clause 19, page 18, line 30, at end insert—
“( ) The functions to which this section relates include the functions under sections 32, 36, 38 and 44.”

[Lord Storey]

Clause 19 sets out the principles for involving children and young people with special educational needs in decision-making. That is very welcome. However, I am concerned that the Government’s intentions are not reflected consistently throughout Part 3. Clauses 32, 36, 38 and 44 in particular exclude children under the age of 16 from participating in decisions. I seek assurance from the Minister that Clause 19 applies to all of Part 3, including these clauses. If the Government’s intention is to involve children under 16 in decision-making about their own lives, I see no reason why children should not be included in those clauses.

In another place, the Minister stressed the importance of Clauses 32, 36, 38 and 44, referring only to decision-makers—that is, young people over 16 or parents. However, these amendments would not give under-16s decision-making responsibilities; they would simply enable children to receive information and participate in processes.

The Government acknowledge, in Clause 19, the importance of providing information and support to children to ensure that they can participate as fully in decisions about their own education and care. Furthermore, this approach prepares children for when they turn 16 and the primary responsibility for decision-making rests with them. The Government’s reasoning regarding decision-making is also inconsistent, as other provisions in Part 3 explicitly refer to the involvement of children as well as young people and parents—for example, in Clause 30. I am concerned that the legislation as it stands will cause confusion for local authorities regarding whether and how they should inform and involve under-16s in decisions about their education, health and care needs. These amendments would provide clarity.

Under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, all children have the right to have a say in decisions that affect them and have their views given due weight in accordance with their age and maturity. The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities also states that disabled children should be provided with disability and age-appropriate assistance to realise the right to be involved in decisions that affect them—Article 7. Evidence shows that, despite these rights, disabled children are often excluded from decision-making processes or face barriers to having their voices heard. Research from the Government’s own pathfinder programme shows extremely low levels of children’s participation in decision-making.

I hope that the Minister will accept these amendments, which would ensure that all children could participate fully and effectively in decisions regarding their education, health and care needs. I beg to move.

--- Later in debate ---

I hope that noble Lords will have taken from what I have said that we are very sympathetic to the points that have been made and that my noble friend will be content to withdraw his amendment.

[Lord Storey]

I thank my noble friend for her clear and concise reply. It reassures me. I agree with the noble Baroness, Lady Hughes, that where there are inconsistencies we should make sure that they are clarified and cleared up because where there is confusion, there is sometimes doubt. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment 66 withdrawn.

--- Later in debate ---

[Baroness Whitaker]

My Lords, I record my support for all these amendments and declare an interest as the patron of the British Stammering Association. In particular, I urge the Minister to take on board Amendments 70A and 77. I shall cite three pieces of research. The first is from his own department, almost a year ago. It found that speech, language and communication needs were significantly under-identified among children. The other research is from the organisations that form the Communication Trust. Language development at the age of two is shown not only strongly to predict children’s performance on entry to primary school but to link to outcomes into adulthood. That means employment prospects as well as education. Tied to that is the fact that language development in the early years has a significant impact on the behaviour and emotional development of children. We are talking, of course, of an adverse impact—anti-social behaviour. The final fact is that too many children enter school without their speech, language and communication needs being addressed or even identified. These deficits are already known and it is imperative that the Bill should take more account of them.

[Lord Storey]

My Lords, I will speak to Amendment 80. Clause 22 requires local authorities to identify whether children have special educational needs. This amendment would require local authorities to publish data on children identified as having that need or disability and provide a breakdown of this data by type of need. Accurate data on the number of children in their area are vital for local authorities to plan and deliver services effectively. The draft SEN code of practice, particularly in the section on joint commissioning, outlines the importance of local data sets to identify the needs of children with SEN and inform decision-making. Currently, data from different sources for the same area can vary wildly. Inaccurate data can disproportionately impact on the planning for and delivery of services for children and young people with low-instance conditions such as visual, hearing or multisensory impairments. To give one example, figures on the number of deaf children vary by as much as 30,000.

It is frustrating that a huge amount of energy goes into collecting data for different data sets but none is effective in bringing together a single set that gives reliable figures. Consideration should be given to a simplified, joined-up and less bureaucratic approach, starting within central government. There are three different ways in which data collection could be improved. First, schools and local authorities could be asked to record in the school census whether a child has a disability, as well as formally identified special educational needs. Secondly, a child’s unique health identifier could be used in education and social care as well. This could capture whether a child has a sensory impairment. Thirdly, disability registers could be improved and have greater ongoing oversight. The department needs to review how data on children with sensory impairments more widely are collected to a reliable standard and used to reform the planning and commissioning of SEN services. A welcome commitment from the Government to exploring this further would be of real benefit.

Al-Madinah Free School

Lord Storey Excerpts

Thursday 17th October 2013 Lords Chamber

[Lord Storey (LD)]

My Lords, does the Minister agree that the Government acted decisively and promptly to ensure that this action was taken? However, will he also reflect on the need to ensure that teachers and the leadership of our free schools should be fully qualified so that occurrences such as this are least likely to happen?

[Lord Nash]

My Lords, there are plenty of teachers in schools up and down the country who do not have formal qualifications and are doing an excellent job, but we ensure through Ofsted that teaching in these schools is good, and we will ensure that the governance and leadership of these schools is appropriate.