(3 weeks, 5 days ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, on 6 May 2006, just prior to the Bill to legitimise assisted dying coming before Parliament, the late Chief Rabbi, Lord Sacks, published an op-ed entitled, The Jewish Tradition is Firmly Opposed to Assisted Dying. I quote its final paragraph:
“Those who propose the current Bill do so from the highest of motives. But purity of motive has never ensured rightness of outcomes; often it has been the reverse. To give the dying dignity, using all possible means to treat their pain is one thing. To allow medically assisted suicide is another. If we lose our reverence for human life we will one day lose much else besides”.
Today, the words of Lord Sacks should once again ring loudly and clearly—as loudly and clearly as they did in 2006.
I have no desire to diminish the heartfelt convictions of anyone here in this Chamber or anyone who has written so movingly, but I speak out of a deep and abiding concern for the society we are shaping, for the values we hold and for the vulnerable, whom we are duty-bound to protect—and I speak as someone who was given six months to live 37 years ago.
The assisted dying Bill before us carries risk that we cannot and must not ignore. The debate is not about compassion: all of us want to alleviate suffering. It is about the means by which we do so. It is about the kind of society we want to be and the message we send when the law itself offers death as a solution. I fear that the Bill crosses that moral Rubicon. However it is regulated or framed, once the state endorses the intentional ending of life, we embark on a journey whose destination is uncertain and deeply troubling.
We are told that safeguards will be in place, but what starts with those deemed mentally competent and terminally ill so easily extends, gradually and quietly, to others. Look at the jurisdictions where such laws have been passed: criteria loosen and the line that was once thought so firm fades. What message do we send to the elderly, the disabled and the chronically ill when the law declares that their lives are potentially not worth living? Will they not begin to feel a quiet obligation to relieve their families, to save resources and to cease being a burden? That is not compassion—it is quiet cruelty masked as choice. Rather than offering death, let us commit to better palliative care. Let us train, fund and support hospices and home care so that no one is forced to consider death out of fear, loneliness or despair.
Lord Sacks said:
“Life is sacred. It is God’s gift, not ours. It is the physician’s responsibility to heal, not harm”.
Jewish law, halacha, teaches that every moment of life, even in suffering, has meaning and value. Every breath is a blessing. We are not absolute owners of our lives; we are the guardians. Ending a life at someone’s request is considered to be taking what ultimately belongs to God. We all recognise the terrible fear of degenerative illness, the dread of indignity, the anxiety of being a burden. But enshrining this Bill in law risks turning the immeasurable sanctity of life—kedushat ha-hayyim—into something to be weighed, measured and judged.
Lord Sacks reminded us that life is not ours to end. I urge your Lordships to consider the long-term consequences of this Bill not just for the individuals but for the moral fibre of society. In that moment of suffering, do we offer death or do we offer care? I choose care.
(7 months ago)
Lords ChamberI am grateful to my noble friend. He is right that the genesis of the FIRS scheme came out of the investigations undertaken by the Intelligence and Security Committee, of which I was a proud member from 2015 to 2019. We are now developing at pace the implementation of the FIRS scheme, which requires significant infrastructure investment. It was delayed under the previous Government, but has now been given added energy by my right honourable friend Dan Jarvis, the Minister, and myself to make sure it is on stream for the summer of this year. It is, therefore, important that we send out two strong messages: first, that we are standing up to intimidation and criminal activity by the Iranian regime, and, secondly, that people in the diaspora need to know that the scheme is in place. We need to put some efforts behind ensuring that those who qualify for registration under the scheme are aware of it. That will be a major part of the communications strategy in the post-Easter period of this year.
My Lords, I declare an interest: the noble Lord, Lord Alton of Liverpool, and I are the two people proscribed by the Iranian regime, and have been for the past couple of years. I pay tribute to the authorities who have helped and advised us.
I welcome this important Statement. I do not speak on behalf of the Jewish community, but I want to thank the Government for their continued support for the protective security that the community needs.
The Statement says that the National Crime Agency will target those who assist the IRGC and others to launder their money. I fail to understand what more the IRGC needs to do to be proscribed. We have raised this many times: my noble friend on the Front Bench raised it today. I even voted with the Labour Party on the Trade Bill when the noble Lord, Lord Coaker, had an amendment to proscribe the IRGC, which he did in Opposition. I supported him, as did others. What does it have to do to be proscribed?