(12 years ago)
Lords Chamber
To ask Her Majesty’s Government what measures they will take to ensure that wage-earners who are below the income tax threshold will benefit from any future increases in the personal allowance.
My Lords, since 2010 the Government have announced successive increases in the personal allowance totalling £2,965. Taken together, these changes will ensure that more than 2.2 million low-income individuals will be removed from income tax altogether. The Government are also taking other measures that will benefit those who are below the income tax threshold, including the introduction of universal credit, support on childcare and the pupil premium.
My Lords, some 4,300,000 employees already earn too little to benefit from the increase in the personal allowance this year—which I fully support—and this will rise to nearly 5 million workers in 2013-14, about 17% of the labour force, of which two-thirds will be women. How can it be right or fair that a policy trumpeted as helping low-paid workers does nothing for the lowest-paid 5 million? Will the Government look seriously at new ways to end this unfair situation?
My Lords, some of those 5 million were paying income tax until we took them out of income tax, so they have benefited significantly from the changes that we made. The vast bulk of those 5 million are people in work who are not working full time, so one of the key things that we have to try to ensure is that more people are working full time. One of the better statistics on the labour market—which had a good year in many respects last year—is that 32,000 people who were working part time and who wanted to work full time got full-time jobs in the last quarter of last year.
My Lords, interesting as it is to be debating the tax and benefits system, is not the real answer here the rapid and vigorous promotion of the living wage? That will do more for the poor than the tax and benefits system as outlined by the Minister.
My Lords, the living wage is one component in supporting the poor, and the Government have made it clear that they encourage people to use it. However, for many people who are poor the key thing is to get into work and, having got into work, to work the number of hours that are compatible with the family circumstances in which they find themselves. Particularly via the universal credit, we are taking steps to make sure that work always pays and that people are indeed encouraged to take up the maximum number of hours that are appropriate for them.
My Lords, while congratulating the Government on raising the threshold at which people pay income tax—an ideal which was first put forward by my noble friend Lord Saatchi—perhaps I may just ask whether they have any plans to raise the threshold at which people pay national insurance. Many of the people to whom the noble Lord, Lord Greaves, referred are still paying national insurance at very high rates, and national insurance is a tax. Would we not be wise to merge national insurance and income tax so that people realise just how much is being taken out of their pay packets?
My Lords, the Government do not have any plans to raise the threshold for national insurance simply because—as noble Lords will be aware—to do so would be extremely expensive. The Government looked at merging national insurance and income tax but have decided that they will not take that consideration any further forward for the course of this Parliament.
My Lords, is it not true that the 5 million people who may have benefited from the changes have in fact had to pay extra VAT since this Government came to power? They are all paying 2.5% extra in VAT. Could we not look for a reduction in the VAT rate, which in turn would then be a great stimulus to the economy?
My Lords, the Government do not think that a reduction in the VAT rate makes any sense at this point. A 1% reduction in the VAT rate costs about £12 billion. If we were to reduce the VAT rate, we would have to find that £12 billion from somewhere else—so we do not propose to reduce it.
Is any thought being given to rates of pay for the self-employed? We have heard about the living wage, which is great, and even the basic wage is something, but I meet so many people in caring jobs who are earning less than £2 an hour. How can they live on that? The employer, who is usually employing them directly, has no obligation whatever to pay any more than that. These people are often a bit intimidated but they continue to work for that sort of miserable amount because they really care about the person.
My Lords, as the noble Baroness knows, we have minimum wage legislation. That is the route to ensuring that people are paid a decent minimum wage.
My Lords, will the Minister admit that some of the people to whom I think the noble Baroness, Lady Gardner, was referring are classified as self-employed and therefore are not protected under the national minimum wage legislation? Will he write to me with details of the reductions in benefit that will occur for those who earn too little to benefit from the subject matter in the Question asked by the noble Lord, Lord Greaves, and who will therefore be losing money twice?
I am always happy to write to the noble Baroness. On the first point she raised, if one is self-employed, the only person you can look to to pay your salary is yourself. If you earn money yourself, you are able to pay yourself well. If you have a contract with somebody as a self-employed person, you should be looking to be paid at least the minimum wage under that contract. However, many self-employed people do consultancy work of various sorts for a fixed price or produce goods and the extent to which they earn an income depends on the extent to which they are able to sell what they produce.
My Lords, the noble Lord’s Answer to his noble friend Lord Greaves was pathetically thin against a background where, as he must surely appreciate, unfairness is perpetrated very heavily against the low-paid and the poor, for whom the Government have scant regard, having of course withdrawn significant numbers of benefits from them. When will the Government address the fact that the economy is so lacking in demand that we are in the worst depression for 80 years? Ministers are not matching up to the challenge presented.
My Lords, for most people the most important factor in the economy is whether they have a job. Last year, an additional half a million people got a job and it was a major step forward in their personal circumstances. The labour market has performed well, and it continues to perform well, and all forward indicators in recent surveys suggest that, across all sectors, even more people are likely to be employed in the near future.
(12 years ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, on 14 February, the European Commission published a proposal for the implementation of a financial transaction tax through enhanced co-operation. The UK has the largest financial sector in the EU. The Government oppose the European Commission’s initial proposal for an EU-wide financial transaction tax and the UK will not be participating in an FTT introduced through enhanced co-operation by a group of member states. We are currently studying the draft proposal carefully to understand its impacts and will continue to engage fully in discussions going forward.
My Lords, I am grateful to the Minister for that Answer as far as it goes, but, reading the newspapers and the Commission’s proposals, I believe that the United Kingdom will be affected. Can the Minister confirm that UK tax policy is made in Parliament and not by the European Commission and a gaggle of member states which are jealous of the City’s pre-eminence in financial services? What actions will the Government take to protect our special interests in this matter?
My Lords, as I said in my original Answer, we are fully engaged in discussions going forward. If the FTT is introduced, it will have a number of impacts on the UK. The Government are in the process of assessing what those impacts might be.
My Lords, can my noble friend tell us how much the European Commission expects the tax to raise? Will it not be pensioners and consumers who have to pay it?
My Lords, the estimate that the Commission has produced is that the tax would raise €35 billion. It would not be raised from all financial institutions across the EU; it would be raised only from those established in countries which levy the tax. A tax such as this, which covers things like shares, trickles down through multifarious channels but, obviously, at the end of the day, a very large number of people end up paying a small amount towards it.
If the treaty eventually proposes a tax that would affect this country, will the Minister make it clear that we would veto it?
My Lords, the noble Lord needs to understand the difference between a tax which we would levy, where there is a veto, and a tax which we would help collect, of which there are a number of existing examples in EU law and this would be another.
My Lords, does my noble friend agree that a tax which was to some extent a deterrent on frequent trading—for instance, algorithmic trading—might not be such a bad thing if it encouraged long-term investment in shares?
My Lords, I am sure that many noble Lords share that aim. The question is whether such a tax would have that impact, and the academic work on it is ambiguous at best.
Will the noble Lord explain why the Government are so allergic to the financial transaction tax, which is to be levied at less than 1% of the value of transactions and by many countries, whereas we are quite happy to have stamp duty levied on transactions at 5%, which is effective only here in the UK?
My Lords, we have some examples of where this kind of thing has been done in the past. In 1989, Sweden introduced its version of an FTT and in the first week the volume of bond trading fell by 85%, even though the tax rate was only 0.003%. The volume of futures trading fell by 98% and the options trading market disappeared. Not surprisingly, Sweden is not now supporting the idea of a Europe-wide FTT.
My Lords, the original concept of the financial transaction tax was that it would be global and that the funds would be used to assist the developing world. Have the British Government considered that, as many politicians on all sides support those concepts, they might take leadership in this global role, which might strengthen their hand in these much more parochial negotiations with the European Union?
My Lords, the noble Baroness will recall that in 2011 the French Government proposed such a tax at a global level in G20 and there was widespread opposition to it from, among others, the US, China, Australia and Canada. Sadly, there is nowhere near a global consensus on whether such a tax is a good idea, and, equally, there is no consensus, even within the EU, about where the money should go. The French were, and are, keen that at least part of the proceeds should go to development aid, but the Germans, for example, propose that any receipts from the FTT should simply go into the central tax pot.
Given the behavioural crisis in many of the financial institutions in recent years, would the Government not be well advised to discuss the merits of such taxation around Europe, rather than reacting like Pavlov’s dog to anything just because it comes from Brussels?
My Lords, we are engaged in discussions on this tax as it could have significant impacts not just on the City but across the EU. While the Government are not opposed in principle to a global FTT, with the lack of consensus on such a thing and faced with a proposal which we think could be damaging not just to the UK but to Europe as a whole, we are rather sceptical about it.
How do New York and other financial centres react to the international reach of this particular piece of EU lunacy?
My Lords, as far as I am aware, New York has not yet responded to the most recent Commission proposals.
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Lords Chamber
That the draft orders laid before the House on 24 and 28 January be approved.
Relevant documents: 18th and 19th Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments, 26th Report from the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee, considered in Grand Committee on 26 February
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Grand Committee
That the Grand Committee do report to the House that it has considered the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (Regulated Activities) (Amendment) Order 2013
Relevant documents: 19th Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments, 27th Report from the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee.
My Lords, the Government have been clear that the attempted manipulation of the London interbank offered rate is completely unacceptable and has no place in the UK’s financial services industry. That is why we moved quickly after the initial revelations emerged to ask Martin Wheatley, the chief executive-designate of the new Financial Conduct Authority, to consider what immediate reforms could be made. The Wheatley review, which was published in September, provides a 10-point plan to reform LIBOR, including recommendations to both government and market participants. The Government welcomed and endorsed the Wheatley review’s recommendations, and have asked all institutions to which they are addressed to implement them without delay.
The Government believe that the banks and the British Bankers’ Association have to take responsibility for their failings and act on Mr Wheatley’s recommendations, including the removal and replacement of the BBA as operational LIBOR administrator. HM Treasury and the BBA have been working together and have made significant progress in laying the foundations for this unprecedented process. The noble Baroness, Lady Hogg, is now leading an independent committee that will recommend an appropriate successor. This builds on the legislative changes that we have already made. Following the Wheatley review, we introduced the following amendments to the Financial Services Act, which are relevant to today’s debate, to enable benchmark activities to be brought within the scope of statutory regulation under FiSMA, and to create a new, distinct criminal offence for making false or misleading submissions in connection with the determination of benchmarks.
Following a period of consultation at the end of last year, the two draft orders that underpin these changes, which we are debating today, were laid before Parliament. Last week they were approved by the other place. The Government plan to bring both orders into force at the beginning of April. This will continue the Government’s approach of taking decisive action to reform LIBOR.
The first statutory instrument amends the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (Regulated Activities) Order, to denote that submitting to and administering a benchmark are both regulated activities. The draft order specifies LIBOR as the relevant benchmark. The regulation of these activities will enhance and strengthen the FCA’s ability to make rules on benchmark-setting, as well as its ability to supervise directly and take regulatory action against those involved in benchmark-setting processes. It will also implement a key recommendation of the Wheatley review. Under this order, the banks that submit to LIBOR and the successor to the BBA will be regulated by the FCA.
The draft order provides certain exemptions to these activities to cover information that was not created specifically for the benchmark-setting process. Where a person simply supplies publicly available factual data, such as the stock market closing price, to the administrator of a specified benchmark, their activities will not constitute submission to a benchmark. Similarly, if the administrator of the benchmark happens to subscribe to a general information service such as a newspaper, the provider of that service will also not be carrying out the activity of submitting to a specified benchmark. The draft order includes provisions to ensure a smooth transition to the new regulated regime for those currently involved in the setting of LIBOR.
Finally, the order makes two consequential changes to the definition of “consumer” for the purposes of the FCA’s objectives. These changes ensure that individuals whose rights, interests or obligations are affected by the benchmark are classed as consumers by the FCA in meeting its objectives.
The second order under discussion today underpins the new criminal offences created by the Financial Services Act, as recommended by the Wheatley review. The Government have been clear throughout the ongoing enforcement actions that any organisation or individual found guilty of this sort of wrongdoing must take full responsibility and should be punished, if appropriate, by the civil and criminal law. The Serious Fraud Office has launched a criminal investigation into allegations of LIBOR manipulation under the Fraud Act. However, the Government believe that the FCA should also have the powers to investigate and prosecute this type of conduct in relation to benchmarks in the future. Although the FCA will have powers to investigate misconduct in relation to LIBOR and other benchmarks, none of the offences currently provided for in FiSMA apply to misconduct in relation to the kinds of benchmarks revealed by the recent investigations.
To close this gap, the Government created a new criminal offence specifically related to benchmark misconduct in the Financial Services Act. The Government also took the opportunity to review and expand the existing offences which relate to misleading statements made with a view to inducing the recipient to engage in market activity. These offences are backed up by strong and dissuasive criminal penalties of imprisonment for up to seven years and an unlimited fine.
The draft order specifies the activities, investments and benchmarks to which these offences relate and carries forward the existing law which is needed to support the new offences. Article 3 of the new order specifies the benchmarks to which the new offence applies—specifically LIBOR. Rogue individuals may still attempt to manipulate the rate but if they do, the FCA will have the appropriate powers to investigate and prosecute them.
The amendments introduced to the Financial Services Act last year give the Government the power to regulate benchmarks beyond LIBOR through appropriate secondary legislation. While we have taken swift action to deal with LIBOR misconduct, this does not mean that other benchmarks should go unregulated. We have given serious consideration to whether we should extend regulation to other benchmarks where we believe there to be a risk of manipulation.
The Government consulted on the matter at the end of last year. In answer to the Government’s consultation, respondents argued that an international consensus and framework should be developed under the auspices of the International Organisation of Securities and Commissions, the Financial Stability Board and the European Commission before the scope of benchmark regulation is extended beyond LIBOR. Progress is being made on these international initiatives. The Government agree with the consultation respondents and have decided, for now, to apply those new provisions only to LIBOR. We continue actively to engage in and drive forward the international work on this issue. However, as we have done in the case of LIBOR, we stand ready to move ahead of international work streams and table further secondary legislation to extend the scope should we deem it necessary. I commend these orders to the House.
This group also includes the Uncertificated Securities (Amendment) Regulations, which amend the Uncertificated Securities Regulations 2001 to transfer responsibility for the approval and regulation of operators of securities settlement systems from the Treasury—which had delegated the responsibility to the Financial Services Authority—to the Bank of England. The regulatory arrangements for securities settlement systems have always been modelled on those for recognised clearing houses and recognised investment exchanges in Part 18 of FiSMA. The new powers and other changes to these regulations essentially follow the changes that the Financial Services Act 2012 makes to Part 18. Specifically, the regulations provide the Bank of England with new powers to require reports to be produced by skilled persons in respect of operators, to appoint investigators for the purpose of making inquiries about operators and to publicly censure operators in appropriate cases. In addition, the regulations replace the existing provision regarding the prevention of restrictive practices with provision for the purpose of preventing operators adopting excessive regulatory provision.
The final order in this group is the consequential amendments order. A number of changes to other pieces of legislation are required as a consequence of the regulatory reforms introduced by the Financial Services Act. The majority of these were included in Schedule 18 to the Act. However, a small number of amendments have required further consideration during the Act’s passage and are therefore being made through this instrument. Primarily, it amends references to the FSA’s rulebook in primary legislation, taking into account that both the PRA and the FCA will make rules in the new regulatory system. It also amends references to provisions of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 which have been amended by the Financial Services Act 2012. These orders are all necessary for the effective implementation of the Financial Services Act and, on this basis, I commend them to the Committee.
My Lords, I thank the Minister for introducing these orders. I will take them in reverse order, so to speak, since the major issue of the amendments relating to LIBOR and its subsequent management is the most weighty, and we can take some of the later amendments perhaps more quickly and dispose of them.
First, as the noble Lord says, the consequential amendments refer primarily to the specification of which parts of the FSA rulebook are to be divided between the PRA and the FCA. This seems rather minor but has very significant consequences, because you are taking what was, we hope, an internally consistent document and ripping it apart. The question is therefore whether the consistency that existed in the previous document will be retained in the subsequent two documents. It would be helpful if the noble Lord could elaborate a little on that, particularly in the light of the recent arguments being made by Mr Haldane of the Bank of England, who has argued most strongly that the excessive number of pages of regulation should be significantly reduced in order to reduce complexity. If Mr Haldane’s rule is to be followed, will we end up, when these rulebooks are divided following these measures, with more pages or fewer? A particular element puzzled me in this particular order. In respect of Article 13, which amends the Corporation Tax Act 2009, can the Minister explain how transforming “Insurance Prudential Sourcebook” into “Prudential Sourcebook for Insurers” has any substance whatever?
Uncertificated securities is a very important area and there has been huge growth in electronic exchanges and uncertificated insurances of this type. The order refers at many points to the notion of excessive regulation by the managers or operators of electronic transfer systems. Can the noble Lord elaborate on who is to define “excessive” and, indeed, how it is to be specified? If there is to be some clarity in this law, it would help if the notions of “excessive” and “disproportionate”, which are used at several points throughout the order, were clearly defined. There was one other puzzle, rather like the puzzle I have about the Insurance Prudential Sourcebook, on which the Minister could perhaps help me. In the redefinition of responsibility from the Treasury to the Bank of England, it is clear that “Treasury” is a collective noun while “Bank of England” is singular. Why is that? Is it because the Bank of England is a singular person, namely the governor, whereas the Treasury has responsibility shared out more widely?
I now turn to the meat of the matters before us today, the orders referring to misleading statements and impressions, which essential collect a number of areas which will be responsible if other benchmarks should be developed rather than simply LIBOR, and of course to the major one on regulated activities. First, I was very struck by the list of organisations and responsibilities associated with misleading statements and impressions. In the noble Lord’s description of the creation of those lists, he referred to the possibility of further benchmarks being included within the procedures defined within the Act. He told us that these were now being considered internationally, and that we await international rulings on these matters. It seems that there is a stark contrast between the very prompt action that was taken following the Wheatley report in respect of LIBOR and the effective kicking into touch of all the other areas which are of equivalent importance. Can the Minister assure us that major benchmarks used within the City of London are not today being manipulated? Can he assure us that the delays in international consideration of these matters will not result in some of the same activities as we have seen with respect to LIBOR?
My Lords, I shall try to keep my comments brief and, if I may, to follow the order in which the noble Lord, Lord Eatwell, addressed the orders to make life a little easier for the Minister. On those elements of the order that attempt to make sure that the FCA and PRA rulebooks appropriately intermesh, and on the comments of Andy Haldane on the risks that arise when you manage through rules rather than through structure, can the Minister give us some assurance that, behind the clarification of the rules, is the cultural commitment to act together as a coherent unit? The fear that Mr Haldane and others have expressed is that, once the institutions see rules, their first reaction is to attempt to game them. I suspect that it is not the number of rules that is the general concern but the coherence of the regulators in making sure that gaming is not a practice that they will permit.
The heart of today’s discussion is to do with LIBOR. I have a general question on the participation of banks in the LIBOR-setting process. It was the strong wish of many that more banks should participate in the process. At the moment, many seem in effect to get a free ride by allowing others to be the participants in the rate-setting process. They then use the rate across the many instruments and transactions that they sign up to, but because they did not participate themselves, they were in many ways getting a free ride, not exposing their internal positions to public view in the way that the participants were and making it much more difficult for other banks to compete against them when some were being transparent and others were not. I wonder where that process has got to. I understand that it was to be voluntary, and I do not know whether we have had any change in who is involved in rate-setting at this point or are likely to in the near future.
At the heart of my questions for the Minister are the sanctions of themselves. We all strongly support the new offence of making false or misleading statements and false or misleading impressions in the submission of benchmark information in the setting of a rate such as LIBOR. One of the underlying concerns has been the way in which the regulator approaches such violations, which is to come down increasingly hard on the individuals who have been clearly and directly involved in that false submission but not to look upwards to those who create the culture and environment in which that behaviour takes place. Tracey McDermott has said on several occasions that the appropriate way to enforce is to find the problem and then follow the trail and to stop questioning at the point where the trail goes cold. That obviously creates for senior management an advantage in wilful ignorance and makes it beneficial for them not to know in any detail what is happening in their organisation, certainly for there to be no trail that would be easy for a regulator to follow. Many of us have come to the conclusion that the regulator needs to have a way to look through that to make senior members of a company accountable for behaviour that is happening on their watch and which they do not know about through negligence, in a sense, rather than through deliberate deceit on the part of those carrying out the wrongful behaviour. Can the Minister make any comments about that?
The underlying concern is that the regulator has sanctions that are strong enough. Many of us have noticed the distinction between the kind of sanctions that a US regulator can use versus those available in the UK. I know that that is not a direct discussion within the order, but it is so closely tied to it that I wonder whether the Minister would comment.
My Lords, I am extremely grateful to noble Lords who have contributed to the debate and will attempt to answer the questions they have raised. The first questions related to the effect of the tearing up, or bifurcation, of the rulebook and how continuity will be retained. I hope that the cultural commitment which the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, mentioned, pervades those at the head of the new organisations and that it will be carried forward. In formal terms, consistency will be maintained by the operation of the memorandum of understanding between the two bodies, the PRA and the FCA, which we discussed in relation to other orders last week.
This is of course not the first time that there has been an attempt to reduce the number of pages. The FSA at one point consulted on it, but the answer it got back was, “Actually, we do not want the number of pages reduced significantly, because they tell us what to do, and if you reduce the number of pages, that puts more of a requirement on us to exercise our own judgment”. That is the balance that we are grappling with here. On the one hand, everybody wants less regulation, but when the consequence of less prescriptive regulation is that people have to exercise more of their own judgment, sometimes they become less keen.
The noble Lord has put his finger on absolutely the point that Mr Haldane was making, which is that the excessive complexity of regulation these days is actually being trapped in a game between the regulated and the regulators; as the regulated develop yet more complex instruments, the regulator responds with more complex regulation, and then the regulated respond with more complex instruments to evade the regulations that have just been introduced. The whole point of Mr Haldane’s argument was that there should be a much stronger and simpler structure and that chasing complexity was a fundamental mistake. Complexity in regulation just adds complexity in taxation, which is the origin of successful evasion.
My Lords, I have a lot of sympathy with that view. Of course, one of the reasons why, in a slightly different bit of the forest, we are introducing the general anti-abuse rule is to start moving away from a situation in which the regulator is not only almost institutionally behind the game but responds to problems by having to produce vastly long and complicated legislation, which is why the tax code is as long as it is today.
The noble Lord also asked who defines “excessive”. The use of “excessive” is not new and it follows the existing FiSMA provisions. It means not required by UK or EU law; not justified by reasonable regulatory objectives; or disproportionate to any regulatory objectives. So there is a definition and I am glad that I do not have to administer that.
The noble Lord asked why the Treasury is plural and the Bank of England singular. I am sure he will be interested to know that the Treasury is defined in the Interpretation Act 1978 as,
“the Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury”.
This reflects the fact that, for historical reasons, the Treasury has acted through two or more Lords Commissioners rather than a single Minister. I am extremely pleased to know that there is a rationale for that.
The noble Lord asked, in respect of the misleading statements order and the LIBOR orders more generally, about adding further benchmarks, and whether I can be sure that these are not being manipulated now and that delays will not lead to some of the same activities in respect of the other benchmarks. We do not think they are being manipulated now. By definition with these things, one does not always know until long after the event that people are behaving badly, but there is no indication that by sticking to LIBOR at the moment any illicit activities are taking place. We are putting most of our effort into international discussion on these issues at the moment but the legislation is very clear: we can add additional benchmarks unilaterally by secondary legislation if we feel that we need to do so, but at the moment we do not feel that we are in that position.
The noble Lord asked about interim permission. Interim permission is being given to the person who is administering LIBOR on 1 April and to those banks that are submitting to LIBOR. It is being given so that the new regulatory regime can start without any delay and before the longer-term reorganisation of the LIBOR system is in place.
I see that, but to whom is interim permission being given—by whom and to whom?
I believe—and I stand ready to be corrected—that it is being given to the existing LIBOR setting structure until the new one is in place. If I am wrong, I am sure that I will be corrected reasonably quickly. Indeed, it is being given to the BBA by the FCA because they are responsible for the administration of the system.
The noble Lord asked about the manipulation of LIBOR. The FSA investigation uncovered activity causing significant concern and that was the impetus for the process that we have set in place. Criminal proceedings are ongoing and we hope they come to a speedy conclusion. It was because of a view that LIBOR may well have been manipulated that changes in the legislation took place. We will get to the bottom of the past activity via the criminal investigation but the great thing about what we are doing now means that if there are any future suggestions of wrongdoing, we shall be able to deal with them very quickly.
There were a number of questions about the Hogg committee, how that is proceeding, the type of firm likely to apply and conflicts of interest. The committee just launched the tender process last week. We hope that it will be concluded by the summer. It will be considering the question of conflicts of interest and, at this stage, we are not in a position to say who is going to apply. A number of firms and organisations have put their heads above the parapet to say they are interested but because we have only just started the tender process, we cannot be sure whether they will actually come forward.
The noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, asked about the free ride and whether, when the new benchmark is up and running, more banks will be encouraged to participate in it. That is something that the new managers of the benchmark will need to consider and no doubt they will be looking at it in consultation with the FCA. The noble Baroness asked whether the new legislation would enable and encourage the regulator to follow the trail, so that it is not just looking at the individual trader who is misbehaving but goes up the supply chain. The key thing is that, for the first time, the regulator will be able to look at this all in a systematic way. It has now got the powers to do so and I think that because everybody accepts that it was very serious that LIBOR was being—as appears likely—manipulated in the past, the new penalties and regulatory framework will give the FCA plenty of opportunity to do that.
In terms of whether the sanctions are strong enough, there is no problem about the regulations because there can be an unlimited fine. If we in the UK levy a lower fine than in the USA, this has nothing to do with the legal position. If there is a difference, it is because there is a difference in the minds of the regulators.
The only other question from the noble Lord, Lord Eatwell, which I have not answered—although I will look at the record afterwards and write to him if I have missed anything else—was why an amendment to the Corporate Tax Act is required. I am told that an amendment is needed to reflect the terminology that will be used by the PRA. With these answers, I commend the orders to the Committee.
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Grand Committee
That the Grand Committee do report to the House that it has considered the Financial Services Act 2012 (Misleading Statements and Impressions) Order 2013
Relevant documents: 18th Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments, 27th Report from the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee.
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Grand Committee
That the Grand Committee do report to the House that it has considered the Financial Services Act 2012 (Consequential Amendments) Order 2013
Relevant document: 18th Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments.
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Grand Committee
That the Grand Committee do report to the House that it has considered the Uncertificated Securities (Amendment) Regulations 2013
Relevant document: 18th Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments.
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Grand Committee
That the Grand Committee do report to the House that it has considered the Social Security (Contributions) (Re-rating) Order 2013
Relevant document: 18th Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments.
My Lords, I am pleased to introduce the Social Security (Contributions) (Limits and Thresholds) (Amendment) Regulations 2013 and the Social Security (Contributions) (Re-rating) Order 2013 to the Committee. As both the regulations and the order deal with national insurance contributions, I hope the Committee will agree that it is sensible that they be debated together. As a matter of course, I confirm that the provisions in the regulations and the order are compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.
All the changes covered by these two instruments were announced as part of the Chancellor’s Autumn Statement on 5 December last year. I should confirm from the start that the basis of indexation that has been used to calculate the changes covered by these two instruments is the same as that used for the 2012-13 tax year. In the Budget in March 2011, we announced that, from the 2012-13 tax year, the basis for indexation of most NICs rates limits and thresholds would be the consumer prices index instead of the retail prices index rate of inflation. This is because the Government believe that the CPI is the most appropriate measure of the general level of prices.
I will start with the Social Security (Contributions) (Limits and Thresholds) (Amendment) Regulations. These regulations are necessary in order to set the class 1 national insurance contributions lower earnings limit, the primary and secondary thresholds, and the upper earnings limit for the 2013-14 tax year. The class 1 lower earnings limit will be increased from £107 to £109 per week from 6 April 2013. The lower earnings limit is the level of earnings at which contributory benefit entitlement is secured. However, NICs do not need to be paid by the employee until earnings reach the primary threshold. The class 1 primary threshold will be increased to £149 per week from 6 April 2013. The secondary threshold is the point at which employers start to pay class 1 NICs. In line with the commitment in the Budget in 2011, this is being increased by RPI to £148 per week.
From this April, the personal allowance for people born after 5 April 1948 will be increased above indexation by £1,335, from £8,105 to £9,440—the largest ever cash increase. As part of that increase, the basic rate limit will be reduced by £2,360 to £32,010. This means that the point at which the higher rate tax kicks in will be reduced to £41,450 in 2013-14. As I mentioned, the upper earnings limit is not subject to CPI indexation. In order to maintain the existing alignment of the upper earnings limit with the point at which higher rate tax is paid, the upper earnings limit will be reduced to £797 per week.
The regulations also set the prescribed equivalents of the primary and secondary thresholds for employees paid monthly or annually. There will be no changes to NICs rates in 2013-14. Employees will continue to pay 12% on earnings between the primary threshold and the upper earnings limit, and 2% on earnings above that. Employers will continue to pay contributions at 13.8% on all earnings above the secondary threshold.
The social security regulations set out the NIC rates and thresholds for the self-employed and those paying voluntary contributions. Starting with the self-employed, the order raises the small earnings exemption below which the self-employed may claim exemption from paying class 2 contributions. The exemption will rise in April from £5,595 to £5,725 a year. Many self-employed people choose to pay those contributions to protect their benefit entitlement, even though they may claim exemption from paying class 2 contributions. The rate of voluntary class 3 contributions will also increase, from £13.25 to £13.55 a week.
Today’s measure also sets the profit limits for class 4 contributions. The lower profit limit at which these contributions are due will increase from £7,605 to £7,755 a year, in line with the increase to the class 1 primary threshold. At the other end of the scale, the upper profit limit will be reduced from £42,475 to £41,450 for the 2013-14 tax year. This is to maintain the alignment of the upper profit limit with the upper earnings limit for employees. The changes to the class 4 limits will ensure that the self-employed pay contributions at the main rate of 9% on a similar range of earnings to employees paying class 1 contributions at the main rate of 12%. Profits above the upper limit are subject to the additional rate of 2%, in line with the 2% paid by employees. I commend the order to the Committee.
My Lords, these measures are pretty straightforward and I do not have many comments to make, other than that I noticed that in the noble Lord’s introduction, although he made the traditional argument for CPI over RPI, he mentioned particular rates with respect to RPI. Those are clearly elements which are grandfathered within the social security structure. Are those RPI upratings to be maintained over the medium term, or is this a transitional arrangement? I have lost that in the complexity. That is entirely my failing and I should be grateful if the Minister would help me.
Secondly, and more broadly, can the Minister address the issue of entitlements? Both measures refer to securing entitlements, and that is particularly true with respect to the order on contributions. The whole notion of an entitlement is that one has some predictive expectation of returns, but we know today that there is no such predictive entitlement to returns. Governments—I do not say just this Government—change the pension rules upratings with respect to pensions and the pension age. So the entitlement that individuals are acquiring by making those contributions is simply in the hands of this and any future Administration.
Is that an appropriate way of going about that? The whole notion of national insurance was introduced as insurance—as a relationship, therefore, which would be defined between contribution and entitlement. That relationship has now broken down. Should we be rethinking on what basis the relationship between individual contributions and subsequent returns is calculated?
My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for his comments. On the first point, perhaps I should have said that the RPI, as opposed to the CPI, is used in respect of the secondary threshold and the upper earnings and upper profit limits. Do the Government intend to maintain that in the medium term or to phase it out? We have said that the RPI increase will be for this Parliament, so we have no immediate intention to phase it out.
On entitlements under national insurance legislation and the fact that the Government change the rules, the problem here, I suspect, is that, as the noble Lord said, the link between paying into national insurance and what one gets by way of benefits from the system is very weak. We have gone a long way from the Lloyd George principle, when it was all very straightforward. Because the situation is much less clear than it was when the system was established, it will be quite difficult for the Government either to link national insurance payments more closely to entitlements or to merge income tax and national insurance into a single payment, which I know that my party and others and the Government have considered. We have ended up with a complicated system which succeeds in generating, broadly speaking, the amount of money required to fund the welfare state. I cannot see in the near future, and certainly not in this Parliament, a fundamental rethink about how we do that.
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Grand Committee
That the Grand Committee do report to the House that it has considered the Social Security (Contributions) (Limits and Thresholds) (Amendment) Regulations 2013
Relevant document: 18th Report from the Joint Committee on Statutory Instruments.
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, this group contains a large number of technical amendments. Amendment 1 reflects the fact that some of the obligations in the Bill are set in the main clauses and not in scheme regulations. This means that the drafting of Clause 3, which allows only for consequential, supplementary, incidental or transitional changes as a result of provisions in scheme regulations, leaves a theoretical gap in powers that we would like to plug. If such changes were required solely as a result of provisions in the Bill rather than in scheme regulations, we might not be able to do so without making new primary legislation. We do not believe that that would be appropriate, so the amendments in this group seek to address the slight gap in the current drafting.
Of course, this extends the powers to cover only consequential, supplementary, incidental or transitional changes that result from clauses that have been debated at length in both Houses. Parliament is already aware of the desired effects of the Bill. These powers ensure that the effects can be realised. As we discussed on Report, any use of these powers to amend primary legislation could only be for consequential purposes and to Acts that have already been passed. I therefore hope that noble Lords can support this small but sensible amendment.
Amendments 4 and 5 are minor technical amendments. They are simply to provide consistency throughout the Bill in the form of cross-references to Schedule 4 to the Pensions Act 1995. They ensure that the same format is used in Clauses 34 and 35 as is used in Clause 10.
Amendments 8 and 9 are again minor amendments intended to clarify the wording, in this case of amendments I brought forward on Report. Noble Lords will recall that those amendments give schemes flexibility to define pensionable earnings for the purpose of the final salary link, and also safeguard the value of members’ final salary benefits. The safeguard is that the amount of earnings in the new scheme that are pensionable earnings for the purpose of the final salary link must not be materially less than the amount that would have applied had the person been in the old scheme until the point they eventually left service. The amendments simply clarify the safeguard. They make it clear that it applies to what would have been the person’s pensionable earnings had that person been in active service in the old scheme or deemed transfer scheme, rather than the new scheme. They would, of course, not have been in actual active service in those schemes after 2015, since they would have been in active service in the new scheme instead. The amendments do not change the substance of the meaning of the previous amendments in any way, but are just clarificatory.
Amendment 10 is concerned with circumstances where a pension that is calculated in accordance with the final salary link has been put into payment and the person subsequently returns to public service employment. It is designed to allow flexibility for schemes to continue their current treatment of a final salary pension in payment in such circumstances. Our intention is for the final salary link to accord with the rules on final salary benefits in each scheme that are currently in force. Some schemes currently allow the final salary benefits to be recalculated after a period of re-employment. The provisions in Schedule 7 allow this approach to continue where there is continuity of service, as provided for in paragraph 3. However, many schemes currently treat final salary benefits that have already been put into payment as fully crystallised, and consequently unaffected by any future period of employment in scheme service. Our amendment would allow for scheme regulations to provide that this continues to be the case too, if desired. Rules of existing schemes can also continue to provide for some limited aggregation of periods of employment, as some do at the moment. This amendment assists schemes in the implementation of the recommendation of the noble Lord, Lord Hutton, to honour the benefits built up under the current final salary schemes.
Amendment 11 consists of a series of minor, consequential amendments to the Pensions (Increase) Act 1971. It clarifies how the uprating provisions of that Act apply to those with service in both an existing scheme and a new one. The 1971 Act provides for the uprating of pension benefits for deferred and pensioner members of the public service schemes. The intention is that while a person is a member of a new scheme after 2015, and they have also old scheme benefits, those old scheme benefits should be treated for uprating purposes as though they remained an active member. This should remain the case until the member takes the old scheme pension or leaves the new scheme. This means that for those persons whose existing scheme is a final salary scheme, their benefits in that scheme will be uprated through the final salary link provisions in Schedule 7 to the Bill. For those persons whose existing scheme is a career average scheme, their benefits should continue to be revalued as if they remained an active member. This amendment clarifies how the provisions in the Pensions (Increase) Act apply in the circumstances I have just described.
Where people continue in service, the old scheme benefits should not be treated as deferred from 2015. To do so would mean that those benefits would be uprated in line with prices from 2015, which would run counter to the treatment of old scheme benefits recommended by the noble Lord, Lord Hutton.
The final amendment in this group relates to an amendment I introduced on Report to paragraph 30 of Schedule 8. This paragraph amends Schedule 4 to the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012 to enable those active members of the Legal Services Commission pension schemes to transfer into the Civil Service scheme on 1 April 2014 to have full access to the transitional provisions contained in Clause 18. This subsequent amendment is a minor tweak to paragraph 30 to ensure that, in addition to those active members, deferred members of the LSC pension schemes who rejoin within a five-year period will also benefit from the transition provisions. This is entirely consistent with wider government policy on the treatment of deferred members of public service pension schemes. It will ensure that employees of the LSC are not unfairly disadvantaged by the changes to their pension provision. I beg to move.
My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord for explaining the content of these essentially technical amendments. I particularly welcome the approach, which is in accord with the recommendation of my noble friend Lord Hutton.
I have but one question of the noble Lord, and that is why his remarks were not prefaced by an apology to the House for having put down these amendments as late as 5 pm yesterday afternoon.
My Lords, I have my apology prepared and I will now give it. I thought it was the next group of amendments about which the noble Lord was particularly concerned.
I apologise to the House for the late tabling of these amendments. There is nothing sinister about it. As noble Lords will have understood, I hope, from my explanation of them, they were extremely minor technical amendments. The reason for the delay was simply to ensure that all legal issues had been adequately addressed in the final drafting. I had hoped we could have done it sooner, but that was the sole reason for the delay in the amendments being submitted. I repeat, I am sorry that we did not do it earlier.
My Lords, on Report, I asked the noble Lords, Lord Whitty and Lord Eatwell, to withdraw their amendments on the revaluation order because of my intention to return with an amendment of my own. I said that I would consider the parliamentary procedure for the revaluation order where it specifies a negative figure, and the amendments that I have tabled, albeit at the last minute, are in line with that commitment.
As I have made clear on several occasions before, it would be wrong to rule out revaluations that set out negative figures on the very rare occasions where either the CPI or earnings were in negative territory. This would be unfair to the taxpayer and represent an asymmetric sharing of risk, which was specifically referenced by the noble Lord, Lord Hutton, in his report.
The amendments that I have brought forward do not affect the ability to track growth directly. I do not wish to rehearse at length the strong arguments I have deployed in the past. However, these amendments increase the level of parliamentary scrutiny in the highly unlikely event that we see negative growth. Where the Treasury order sets a negative figure, which I remind the House it can determine only on reasonable and justifiable terms by reference to the general level of prices or earnings, the order will be subject to the affirmative procedure. This will ensure that Parliament has an opportunity to debate the measure. Given the uniqueness of a situation in which the revaluation of benefits could lead to a decrease in entitlement, the Government believe that this is an appropriate and sensible additional safeguard of members’ interests.
However, I should point out that the vast majority of the revaluations will involve run of the mill legislation that simply sets out the relevant increases in line with announced government policy. For example, if the new schemes are already in place, the order for this year would simply set out the positive change in prices in line with the CPI and the positive change in earnings in line with the average weekly earnings measure. Both of these have been in the public domain for quite some time.
When we are not experiencing something extraordinarily unusual such as negative growth, it would go too far to provide for the affirmative procedure for every order as provided for in the amendment of the noble Lord, Lord Eatwell. Therefore, I hope that the noble Lord will understand why I am not able to accept his amendment. The Government’s amendments strike the appropriate balance between parliamentary scrutiny and sensible regulation-making. I hope they will provide some comfort and that noble Lords will be able to support them. I beg to move.
I should advise your Lordships that if this amendment is agreed to I cannot call Amendment 3 for reason of pre-emption.