Social Housing
Lord Morris of Handsworth Excerpts(5 years, 3 months ago)
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Lord Morris of Handsworth (Lab)
My Lords, for the record I will take the opportunity to congratulate my noble friend on her maiden speech. She has much to offer your Lordships’ House. I also thank my noble friend Lord Whitty for securing this able and timely report.
It is timely for a number of reasons, but I shall draw to the attention of the House the report from Shelter that tells us that more than 250,000 people are now homeless in England on any given night. Many are in temporary accommodation or are sofa-surfing, as it is candidly put. More than 4,000 people are sleeping rough.
In 1967 the first English housing survey was published. Some 50 years later, the Department for Communities and Local Government reported that the social rented sector was down 30% from its target. In response to the post-war housing need, local authorities and housing associations built nearly 4.5 million social homes at an average rate of more than 126,000 a year. That figure stands as a challenge, but in 1980 local authorities’ ability to build and manage social housing was restricted. That year, just over 94,000 social homes were built. Three years later, supply had halved. Last year, it was down to a shameful 6,463 homes. That is an indictment of the nation and of decision-makers.
Instead of spending on building social housing, the Government are spending billions of pounds on housing benefit, much of which goes to private landlords. There is no return on that sort of public spending. Councils are now spending more than £996 million a year on temporary accommodation—a rise of 71% in the last five years. Those figures tell us that the problem is getting progressively worse. The effects of bad housing do not stop at the doorstep. It increases costs to the National Health Service and to education, and much more.
I commend Shelter’s housing commissioners, who have called in support and professionalism to make an assessment of the scale of the problem as they see it. They are seeking to recapture the original purpose of social housing, and I am sure that this debate will energise their efforts. I am also sure that noble Lords taking part in this debate will look to see what precisely Shelter will produce, so that we can take the benefits of this debate and integrate them as practical policy promotions.
I conclude by paraphrasing the President of Harvard University: “If you think solving the housing problem is expensive, try the cost of homelessness”.
European Union (Withdrawal) Bill
Lord Morris of Handsworth Excerpts(6 years, 3 months ago)
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Lord Morris of Handsworth (Lab)
My Lords, this is a unique debate, the first of its kind, certainly in my experience. However, we are not debating principles. The people have spoken and now we must respond. Nor are we debating timing, methodology or process because these factors, important as they are, have already been determined and, indeed, concluded in another place. Therefore, this House is primarily concerned with the execution and consequences of the decision taken by the British people to leave the European Union. It is now the duty of this House in this debate, as in the other place, to respect and deliver the will of the people.
I am very much aware that the House has had a number of debates on the decision to leave the European Union and the implication has been well examined, so I will not dwell on the particulars. Nevertheless, there is one area where the outcome amounts to success or, indeed, failure: that is the free movement of people. Therefore, my question to the Minister is: where in the thousands of pages which reflect the debate in the other place are the contingencies and the planning for exit day?
We already know that there is currently a steady stream of European returnees who feel unwanted living in a hostile environment in the UK. This is not specific to one sector or profession, north or south; already some sectors are preparing for the worst. The horticultural industry is seeking workers to replace those planning to leave. The NHS is planning for the worst as the European NHS workers start to go home, and this is also true in agriculture, construction and social care, among other sectors. I trust for all our sakes that the planning process to fill the gap is well advanced. When the Minister responds to the debate, will he tell the House where is the contingency plan to sustain economic stability? When will it be developed and implemented?
By the end of the debate I hope that we will be clearer about many of the issues which worry many of our fellow citizens whose lives will be affected whether they voted to leave or to stay. The way people voted does not devalue questions about, for example, animal welfare, food additives or joining or leaving the single market. The debate was much more parochial and was influenced by populism in respect of the yes or no vote. I have a great many questions, far too many to consider in these few minutes. However, what guarantees will there be as regards maintaining and enhancing workers’ rights so that they do not fall behind the rights of workers across the EU? An amendment in the other place required that after Brexit any change to employment rights and protections for consumers and the environment would require primary legislation and proper scrutiny by Parliament. It was narrowly defeated by the Government.
Regulations covered by the European Social Charter, including drivers’ hours and the working time directive protected not only workers but the health and safety of us all. Why would the Government reject proper scrutiny? Similarly, the Government have argued that we will no longer enjoy, or be protected by, the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. What will replace the jurisdiction of the ECJ? The proposals set out in the European Union (Withdrawal) Bill will require UK courts to interpret legislation passed before Brexit in line with EU law and European Court of Justice judgments, but there are uncertainties in relation to the way this will be interpreted in future. Will the Minister consider that point and calm our worries?
In many rural areas, farmers had difficulty last year in finding people to pick their fruit and vegetables. Even workers who had regularly travelled from Europe for this seasonal work chose instead to stay in Europe, where the environment was more hospitable. Many employers have difficulty finding local people with the willingness and skills to do certain work, including, as I have indicated, the NHS, care services and hospitality. Am I alone in feeling there is too relaxed an attitude to this problem, not just in our Government but in many communities and sectors of our economy?
Finally there is the problem of the continuing use of UK and EU citizens as bargaining chips. It is affecting every industry and shattering the lives of thousands. The application process, which we are told will settle this problem, clearly will only make matters worse. Migration experts warn that hundreds of thousands of EU nationals living in Britain could struggle to secure Home Office permission to stay in the UK after Brexit. Already, applicants for citizenship are being turned away by the Home Office—
Lord Young of Cookham (Con)
Noble Lords have been very good about observing the advisory limit of six minutes. I urge the noble Lord to pay similar respect to the time limit.
Lord Morris of Handsworth
I accept the noble Lord’s comments and will wind up.
In view of the points already made, British workers will not return to the status of poor relations. They will defend the working time directive, the drivers’ hours regulation and the social charter. As with all major challenges, there is no turning back. As a nation, we have made our bed, and there we must lie.
Universal Credit
Lord Morris of Handsworth Excerpts(6 years, 5 months ago)
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Lord Morris of Handsworth (Lab)
My Lords, on the face of it, universal credit seems a good idea. We were told that it would simplify the system; it would make work pay and, as a result, recipients would enjoy higher living standards. Why is it then that an astonishing mass of experts have provided evidence that has led them to urge a temporary halt to the rollout of the system until it can be more effectively and efficiently put in place?
Why, we may ask, was it necessary for the Joseph Rowntree trust to point out that the majority of people experiencing poverty already live in working households? In 2013, claimants in Warrington were among the first to experience universal credit. Their biggest social landlord quickly found that the haphazard payments system did not fall in with its accounting procedures and processes—92% of its tenants using the new system went into rent arrears.
Some problems—such as the six-week wait for benefit—were known about four years ago. The majority of in-work claimants get paid weekly and those on zero-hours contracts and in other forms of the gig economy have no certainty over when they will be paid. Not surprisingly, few have money in the bank to finance delays. We are entitled to ask, was it the Government, a Minister, or the DWP who thought claimants could wait six weeks or longer before receiving any money? Did they think unfriendly landlords would wait six weeks for their rent?
Who would doubt that the six-week wait was incorporated purely as a saving device? It is known that, from the outset, universal credit has been dogged with problems—processing errors, computers malfunctioning and poor management. The Guardian reported irregular payments to claimants, claims being closed without explanation, difficulties in contacting benefit officials, and lengthy waits for errors to be corrected. The CAB found that local jobcentres had no reliable access to the system to sort out problems. Local authority staff brought in to help were unable to reach anyone with responsibility for universal credit, or who had the will or, indeed, the authority to investigate.
Do the Government really think a rollout to the whole country will improve the system, which is unable to cope with existing numbers? It will be like trying to run a marathon backwards. A variety of individuals and organisations predicted, and indeed warned, that the rollout would result in chaos. To date, the evidence shows that what we have is not just chaos but, for many people, social disaster.
The Peabody Trust estimates that the mandatory six-week wait for a first payment will put more than 23,000 low-income families at risk of destitution. The Trussell Trust predicts that in the run-up to Christmas, when the number of food banks in areas of full universal credit will triple, there will be a massive increase in demand for its services. Already, it has seen a 30% average increase in use among universal credit claimants. New analysis by the Child Poverty Action Group and the Institute for Public Policy Research predicts that the cuts to benefits under universal credit will put 1 million children into poverty, while the Institute for Fiscal Studies states that the number of children living in poverty will soar to a record 5.2 million over the next five years—and so the problem increases. Organisation after organisation questions the sense of expanding the system. Shelter warns of a massive increase in homelessness. Last month, Frank Field MP, chair of the House of Commons Work and Pensions Committee, accused the Government of withholding bad news. I do not question their motives—if I had such a bad story to tell, I would keep it to myself.
With the crisis getting worse by the day, common sense demands a pause to sort out the administration and the structural problems of universal credit, otherwise the cost to the next generation will be extreme poverty and futures lost forever. In summary, the verdict across the country on this policy is simple: good intention, poor execution.
Housing: Availability and Affordability
Lord Morris of Handsworth Excerpts(6 years, 7 months ago)
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Lord Morris of Handsworth (Lab)
My Lords, I welcome the housing needs of the nation being, once again, back on the political agenda. In recent weeks we have heard announcements on housing from the Prime Minister and the leader of the Opposition. In this debate I will resist the temptation to say, “Too little, too late”. Instead, I will say thanks to my noble friend Lord Smith of Leigh for bringing forward this important debate. As a recent past chairperson of Midland Heart housing association, I maintain an interest in the debate on social housing in general.
For many families the current debate on housing is like waiting for a bus. You stand at the bus stop in the pouring rain and keep looking at your watch for what seems like hours, but there is not a bus in sight. Then, without warning, two buses turn up together. Sadly, they are both full and you cannot get on, so the wait continues. That is the hypothetical experience of many families today. I use that analogy because in the current conference season both major parties made bold pledges on how to solve the current housing crisis. I use that term because that is precisely what it is—a crisis. There is more homelessness, more rough sleepers and little hope for the upcoming generation.
During the recent conference season both major political parties pledged to build or make available significant numbers of additional units. The homeless believe that there is hope, but that hope has to be transformed into practical results. Housing is not just about politics; it is about life and reality. The housing shortage underpins a degree of selfishness in our society. We must therefore find a way to resolve the lack of political capital being expended.
If we paid half the attention we pay to Brexit and used half the energy we expend on it on housing instead, I suspect the housing crisis would disappear almost overnight. As we have heard, the Prime Minister has announced an additional investment of £2 billion in affordable housing, which is equivalent to 2,500 homes over two years. However, those with housing needs are not persuaded, and for good reason. It is to be noted that there has been a downward trend in the number of affordable houses being built. The figures are arguable, but it is suggested that around 60,000 were built in 2010 and only around 32,000 in 2015-16. There is therefore a challenge as to how that figure can be increased, because the demands are growing daily.
The Chartered Institute of Housing confirms that the Government’s focus is on affordable homes and not social homes. The social homes requirement is being left behind. There is therefore a debate to be had about equity and justice with regard to public concern about housing. As we speak today, the current rate of housebuilding by government is at its lowest level for generations. It is clear that there is a crisis in the sector. It is widely reported that estate agents have the lowest stock of homes in 40 years, with new instructions falling for the 14th consecutive month, driven by political uncertainty that is underpinned by Brexit fears. It is highly likely that, as the economy tightens, the housing sector will be subjected to further pressures and uncertainty. What is now required to maintain confidence and stability in the housing sector is leadership and support from government.
All of us are therefore required to make a contribution by advocating a recognition that housing is a human need and demand. Today’s debate takes us further towards that reality.
Kids Company
Lord Morris of Handsworth Excerpts(8 years, 8 months ago)
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Lord Bridges of Headley
My Lords, I should declare an interest as I am a trustee of a charity. I entirely agree that there are a number of responsibilities and obligations that every trustee needs to heed. As a number of your Lordships will know, the Charity Commission provides clear guidance on the role and responsibility of charity trustees; indeed, it has recently updated its guidance, The Essential Trustee, which is designed to be easy to use and to support trustees in complying with their duties. That said, as I mentioned at the start, I very much hope that the Charity Commission will use this as an opportunity to look at what lessons the commission itself may learn from this episode.
Baroness Hayter of Kentish Town (Lab)
My Lords, I hope that the Government will also learn some lessons. The responsibility for the grants that the Government give is with the Government. We understand that the Ministers overruled the advice that they had from civil servants and continued to give grants. We suggest that the National Audit Office should do a wider review. We should look not just at the official receiver and the Charity Commission but at the role of government Ministers.
The Lord Privy Seal (Baroness Stowell of Beeston) (Con)
My Lords, it is the turn of the Conservative Benches, and I am sure the House wants to hear from my noble friend Lord Tugendhat. I think we should go then to the noble Lord, Lord Morris, who has been very patient.
Lord Bridges of Headley
I entirely agree. That is a very interesting point. Again, I point to the Charity Commission’s investigation into this. It will look at the role of trustees—not just in Kids Company but more broadly, I hope—and the lessons it can learn from that. I hasten to add that trustees obviously provide a considerable wealth of experience. One needs to get the balance right between rotation and retaining that experience on a board of trustees.
Lord Morris of Handsworth
My Lords, the House will note the steps that the statutory authorities and others are taking—but in the mean time, can the Minister tell us what is being done to safeguard the immediate and short-term interest of the children concerned?
Lord Bridges of Headley
The noble Lord makes an extremely valid point. I entirely share his concern, which is and has been paramount since the closure of Kids Company. Government officials have been working closely with local authorities. I take this opportunity to thank the local authorities in Lambeth, Southwark, Bristol and Camden for all they have done. This work has encompassed not just the Cabinet Office but other departments in government. I also pay particular thanks to the dioceses of Southwark and Lambeth, which have offered to provide practical support to local authorities, including food.