(10 years, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, the statutory instrument that we are debating tonight arises from an amendment that the Government sought parliamentary approval for during the passage of the Care Bill in 2013 and 2014. That amendment related to the scope of periodic performance assessments to be undertaken by the CQC and the method by which such reviews are to be devised and will allow an aggregate performance rating to summarise and compare the performance of organisations or the services provided. It is for the CQC to devise such quality standards and methodology in consultation with the Secretary of State and those key stakeholders that the CQC considers appropriate. The scope of those performance assessments is set out in these regulations, which by virtue of Regulation 1 will come into force on 1 October this year. That means that the CQC will be under a duty to undertake performance ratings of those registered service providers and regulated activities that such providers carry out, as prescribed by Regulation 2 and the schedule to these regulations.
I remain somewhat sceptical of the ability of the CQC to place such huge organisations as hospitals in one of only four categories. The Explanatory Note to the SI refers to work commissioned by the Secretary of State on the use of aggregate ratings of providers. This is not the first attempt at performance ratings, but the fascinating piece of work produced by the Nuffield Trust and commissioned by the department has a number of warnings on this. The trust says in its report:
“A rating by itself is unlikely to be useful in spotting lapses in the quality of care”,
particularly for services which “complex providers like hospitals” give.
“It is here that the analogy with Ofsted’s ratings of schools breaks down. Hospitals are large, with many departments and different activities, seeing large numbers of different people every day, carrying out complex activities, many 24/7, and in which people are sick and can die. Put another way, the risks managed by hospitals vastly outweigh those managed in schools. For social care providers the risks may be lower, but many are still dealing with frail, ill and otherwise vulnerable individuals”.
Its conclusion is that,
“unless there is a ‘health warning’ on a rating to clarify to the public what it can and cannot say about the quality of care, there is an inevitable risk that the rating (and the rating organisation) will be discredited, as lapses occur in providers scored as ‘good’ or ‘excellent’”.
It says that it will be just a matter of time. In summary the Nuffield Trust concluded that,
“the overall approach to ratings should allow complex organisations to be assessed at different levels and to promote service-specific ratings where possible, particularly in the case of hospitals”.
I would be grateful if the noble Earl could comment on this, particularly on how he considers the rating outcomes of individual providers are to be communicated to the public in an understandable way that none the less pays due regard to the complexity of the ratings so well described by the Nuffield Trust.
My real objective in bringing these regulations before your Lordships’ House is not so much what is in the statutory instrument as what is not. I go back to our debates during the passages of both the Care Bill and the Health and Social Care Bill in 2012. The noble Earl will know that I have expressed considerable concerns about the fact that the way in which clinical commissioning groups and local authorities commission services is no longer to be subject to regular review, audit and, indeed, rating by the CQC. During the passage of the Care Bill only a few months ago we discussed concerns about the quality of local authority commissioning of care services in the context of the scandal of 15-minute visits and zero-hours contracts. We argued then that the CQC should undertake regular inspections of local authority commissioning performance.
I suggest that the same goes for clinical commissioning groups in the National Health Service. When we debate NHS issues the noble Earl frequently—indeed, consistently —refers to the importance of commissioning. Whenever he is pressed on problems or gaps in services he has put his trust in more effective commissioning. However, it is very difficult to see how the performance of commissioners is properly assessed and held to account in the current structure. The noble Earl has previously argued that we should rely on such things as CCG outcome indicators, backed up by scrutiny from local Healthwatch. I think that that is a pretty weak response. So far there is scant evidence to show that this is effective. I am sure we would acknowledge that often when things go wrong in a health system it is a failure of the system—of course of the providers giving the services, but also of commissioners and, indeed, local authorities. Let us take the four-hour A&E target, which is proving to be a major challenge up and down the country. There will of course be issues in the organisation of the hospital itself, but there will also be issues around the organisation of primary care, the way in which services are commissioned and the ability of local authorities to ensure that there are specific and sufficient facilities in the community for when patients are discharged from hospital.
It is a matter of regret that the CQC, as the primary regulator on quality and standards, is no longer concerned on a regular basis with the performance of local authorities as commissioners, and with clinical commissioning groups. It is true that the CQC has the power to conduct special reviews where concerns have been raised about a particular commissioner. I do not know whether that has happened yet—maybe the noble Earl will be able to tell me—but it seems to me that that is not anywhere near sufficient.
I also want to discuss the position of NHS England. The noble Earl will know that, although the original changes brought about by Mr Lansley were designed to hand over nearly all the commissioning budget to clinical commissioning groups, a rather substantial amount of money was ultimately retained by NHS England for commissioning of specialist services. It would be fair to say that NHS England’s performance on that has given cause for concern. The noble Earl will be aware that the budget for specialist commissioning is hundreds of millions of pounds overspent. In essence, we had an out-of-control budget and the board of NHS England seemingly unaware of what was going on. If an NHS provider had performed so lamentably its board would have been sacked, and rightfully so. I ask the noble Earl how the board of NHS England has been held to account for its lamentable performance relating to specialist commissioning. Have sanctions been applied? At the very least, should the CQC not assess NHS England’s commissioning performance?
In our previous debate on NHS England, the noble Earl informed us:
“NHS England has its own governance processes in place, including the development of the direct commissioning assurance framework to demonstrate that it meets the standards required. As this is developed further, elements will be introduced to bring external scrutiny to its board and function”.
He also said:
“Ultimately, NHS England is held to account by the Department of Health for its commissioning activity against its delivery of the priorities set in the mandate”.—[Official Report, 21/10/13; col. 813.]
I am sure the noble Earl thought that they were comforting words, but how on earth does this apply to the debacle over specialised commissioning? To my knowledge, that has still not been properly resolved.
I am not convinced that the Government have the right approach to commissioning. If commissioning in the health service and in local government is as important as the Government say it is, surely it is in the public interest that the CQC should take a much stronger role in checking and rating the performance of commissioners, and indeed of health and care system performance generally. I hope that this leads to a good debate. I beg to move.
My Lords, I support in principle the wording of the business that we are dealing with, particularly the emphasis on regular assessment of other than the provider trusts. I share with the House and the Minister why I now feel that that is even more important. I declare an interest as chairman of Milton Keynes Hospital NHS Foundation Trust. Just last week, we were inspected by the CQC. Obviously, we do not yet know the outcome of that. The CQC was with us for four days and there were 40-odd people there.
As the noble Earl is aware, I have been very supportive of the CQC and share his aspirations for it. To be honest, our inspection was extremely thorough. We have to wait with bated breath for the outcome, but the enthusiasm, what was described as the buzz around the hospital and the way that people felt strongly about the services that they were giving made a huge difference to the whole thing. I am only three months into that trust, but this was not about preparing for the CQC; it was about the culture of the organisation and wanting to improve. I hope that the CQC comes back with recognition of that, whatever the outcome might be.
The inspection was carried out under the new way of doing things, which I think is great. There were many more people across all the spectrums of our services, at a professional and clinical level. That was superb. The reporting back every night was very good and helpful to the chairman and chief executive. All that felt good and thorough, which is what it is all about. I agree with my noble friend’s view about extending that for the very reason that he just gave. The importance of that inspection to the outcome for our patients was absolutely paramount, regardless of what the outcome might be in terms of the grading or level of assessment we might be given. But without that thoroughness and rigour, particularly with the CCGs, who are the ones making decisions about our services, with the GPs who run them—unless there is a deep dive, as we would call it, into any other part of the health service—the gaps that are still a worry for us may remain.
In particular, my noble friend Lord Hunt said that there was an issue around local authorities. All trusts are struggling terribly with A&E. There are many reasons for that, as my noble friend has said. But one of the big reasons is the lack of rigour in social care and local authorities’ commitment to or understanding of the role that they play. From the experience that we have had over the past week, I believe that this is not a threat to people: it is empowering for them to have the CQC in there, ensuring that the rigour that they are supposed to apply to their work is there and that the role they play in patients’ experience really makes a difference. I urge the noble Earl to consider this opportunity yet again. We made a decision in the Care Act, which I think even more now is really a mistake from which we need to move on. I do not share the cynicism of my noble friend, but I share the concern about whether the CQC can embrace all that.
The investigation into my trust was supported, as I understand it, by far more clinicians than ever before and far more people had a much greater knowledge of the health service. If the CQC can continue to develop in that way, I believe it is in its interest—and, more importantly, in our patients’ interests—that those commissioning groups go wider and deeper into other than the provider trusts.
(11 years, 5 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, my noble friend’s amendment is very penetrating. Under this clause the Secretary of State will appoint only the chair and other non-executive members while the CQC appoints its own executive members, including the chief executive. I draw the noble Earl’s attention to our debate on day one of Committee when we discussed the governance of Health Education England and the Health Research Authority. I still fail to understand why the Secretary of State has to approve the appointment of the chief executive of those bodies when he does not in relation to the CQC. I take from it that HEE and HRA are less independent than the CQC. It would be interesting to know whether he can confirm that.
I thought my noble friend made a very powerful point about the appointment of a chief inspector. I endorse his remarks about the appointment of Mike Richards. He commands great respect, but I wonder why it is not in the Bill. It seems to me that the relationship between the chief inspectors and the chief executive and the board of the CQC is going to be a delicate one. Once you nominate somebody as chief inspector the implication is that they are independent in their job. My experience when I was at the DWP and responsible for the Health and Safety Executive is that it had some chief inspectors. There was the equivalent of the Nuclear Installations Inspectorate, although that has now gone, and the Chief Inspector of Construction. It was felt necessary in some of the most important sectors to have a figurehead. My understanding was that when it came to issues to do with the regulatory function they were independent and could not be second-guessed by the board. The relationship between the chief inspectors and the board is very important. I wonder whether the noble Earl’s department is storing up trouble for the future by not making them statutory post-holders so that it is absolutely clear in legislation what their responsibility is. I can see problems arising in future on this.
This issue about putting primary and community healthcare together will also be very important. The breakdown in the NHS over the past few months has been a breakdown in integration between different parts of the service. Putting primary and community care together would be very helpful.
I support the amendment and in particular the argument for the chief primary and community care inspector. Many of us who operate within the service—even people who use it—know that often the weakness has been in the delivery of primary care. We talked earlier about reconfiguration. The only way that that would be successful is if we had better primary care facilities and care that people could access nearer to home—all aspirations that the Government have. I strongly support having that watchful eye on making sure that primary care works effectively.
(11 years, 5 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I, too, support Amendment 36. I just want to pick out something that the noble Earl mentioned a little while ago in response to another question from me. He mentioned the work being done by Skills for Health and Skills for Care. Certainly in the context of this amendment—which, I agree, is a probing amendment—alongside the royal colleges and the other professional bodies, the work that Skills for Health and Skills for Care are doing is hugely important. Can the noble Earl enlighten me on what relationship Health Education England will have with those bodies? For instance, the noble Lord just referred to what the future looks like and what Skills for Health in particular is doing alongside Skills for Care. It is looking at what provisions there are for apprenticeships inside the health service, which is hugely important and allows people to develop from smaller roles to bigger roles over time. I wonder how, in the scheme of things, that relationship exists, how close it is and what influence Skills for Health and Skills for Care have, so that they are not working in opposition but are working integrally with what HEE is doing.
My Lords, I have a few amendments in this group. It is an important group because it concerns not just the functions of Health Education England and its duties to co-operate but also, of course, the membership of LETBs, the local committees of HEE.
It is very important that HEE works with NHS bodies that have expertise in education, training and regulation, so I am very happy to support my noble friend’s Amendments 9, 18 and 34, and Amendments 15 and 36 in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Willis. I would add two organisations from which HEE must seek representations: the CQC and Monitor. I imagine the noble Earl will say that they are implicit in the generic list of bodies in Clause 89(2). However, it would be good to hear a little bit about how the noble Earl expects HEE to work with the two core regulators for the health service, the CQC and Monitor. In a sense, the CQC will, on a very regular basis, be picking up issues to do with staffing and staffing levels. Equally, Monitor will be concerned with financial issues. Of course, the two sometimes do not run easily together, so it is very important that HEE has very close contact with those two bodies.
As regards Clause 91 and LETBs, which are essentially committees of HEE charged with ensuring sufficient skilled healthcare workers in the area of the LETB, the Bill makes clear that in carrying out its main functions, the LETB must represent the interests of all persons,
“who provide health services in the area for which the LETB is appointed”.
I have already referred to my interest as chair of a foundation trust, and I very much welcome the architecture in which it is clear that, at the local level, the people in the driving seat should be the people who provide services. In the past, people running hospitals and other services have been divorced from decisions about training commissions. That is one of the reasons why I believe there has been such a problem with the ability of people coming out of universities and other education institutions to practise when they get into the field. Having the people who provide services round the table is a very important development.
Of course, it is also important that other people are involved in those discussions. In the architecture of the Bill, there are two categories of membership provisions. In Clause 91(3)(a) and (3)(b), it is clear that LETBs must include,
“persons who provide health services in the area”,
and,
“persons who have clinical expertise”.
It is consistent with the provisions in relation to Health Education England. Then in Clause 91(5), people involved in education may be appointed to a LETB—but, by implication, if they may be they do not have to be. My Amendments 40 and 42 to 46 really seek to ensure that LETBs have a broad-based membership. Surely, it should be mandatory to have the involvement of education providers and health workers who are not professionally registered. My noble friend Lady Wall made that point very well indeed.
Also, where are the representatives of patients and carers? After all, they understand the output of the workforce. Surely, they ought to have a place around the table as well when it comes to these decisions about training commissions: where they are placed, what the demands are and what the monitoring is. Again, I would replicate the argument about nurses that we had on the membership of HEE. In some sense, we could have grouped those amendments together because it is the same argument: that around the table of the LETB, you must have some senior nurses when so many of the discussions of the LETB will be about the quality of nurse training.
What about the health and well-being board? We have heard earlier debates. In fact, in the House of Commons Select Committee this morning, when witnesses were giving presentations about what has happened in emergency care, the representative of the LGA made a very strong point about the potential role of health and well-being boards, which are concerned not just with public health but with how well the whole system is integrated. I very much agree with that, so I would have thought that a LETB would be well advised to have the chairmen of relevant health and well-being boards around the table to discuss issues of staffing. I hope that the noble Earl will give me some reassurance that in establishing LETBs as provider organisations, something with which I certainly agree, there will be room for these other interests to be represented as well.
(12 years, 8 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I also support the amendment. Adding to what the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, has said, the House may be aware that trusts are now committed to quality accounts, certainly for clinical staff, and an integral part of those quality accounts is education and training. I would like to see it being widened beyond the clinical staff, because there are lots of staff in a hospital who need that constant education and training, to make sure that patient care overall is as good as we would all want it to be.
My Lords, I refer to my chairmanship of a foundation trust. From the opposition Benches, we very much support this amendment and wish to reinforce the importance of education and training.
It is right that we should emphasise the importance of NHS foundation trusts recognising their responsibilities in relation to education and training. It is equally important that they have an influence over the architecture for education and training. As the noble Earl will know, there are going to be local boards responsible for commissioning the education and training of professional people. It is very important that the people who run hospitals should be very much involved in the selection of students and ensuring that the curriculum is effective. The noble Earl will know that the Future Forum paper chaired by the chief executive of University Hospitals Birmingham NHS Foundation Trust emphasised the importance of looking at these matters.
We will be debating the quality of nursing next week, but there is no doubt that there is a real problem with public perception of the quality of nursing in particular, and issues to do with nutrition and basic nursing skills. I am convinced that there is a real problem that the universities that train our nurses, in the end, are much more focused on academic practice, because that is what universities do. I am anxious that no one has been able to put their finger on the solution. One way of improving the quality is to involve the foundation trusts much more in these matters. My noble friend’s amendment is very helpful in that respect.
(12 years, 12 months ago)
Lords ChamberI cannot answer for the whole of London. I really do not know. What I do know is that the more the clusters emerge, obviously the more those PCTs will be absorbed into them. My noble friend will be much more able to give you more detail about that.
What is happening in real life in north central London is that the PCTs are being absorbed into the cluster. Contrary to the experience of the noble Lord, Lord Newton, the clusters have not just taken over the whole PCTs, including staff and everything else; they have not. In fact, the chief executive of the cluster in north central London did not come from north London at all. So that is very different, I think, from some of the experiences that other people have. However, I cannot give you the view of the whole of London because I really do not have that knowledge.
My Lords, perhaps I could intervene to say that I echo everything that my noble friend said about the work of the clusters. They are covering, in my case, some 1.3 million and clearly are trying to get to grips with the strategic leadership that is required on the whole issue of reconfiguration of bed numbers and all the things that have been put off for so long. My understanding is that they go on as local field offices of the NHS Commissioning Board. That is the whole point. The question that then comes back, and where I am completely puzzled, is where on earth is GP commissioning in this? It is abundantly clear that the clinical commissioning groups are going to have very little influence. When you come to the issue of the individual GP, which was what this was all about, it is very hard to see what on earth they will be doing in terms of commissioning.