Great British Energy Bill

Lord Hamilton of Epsom Excerpts

Committee stage
Wednesday 22nd January 2025 Grand Committee

[Lord Cameron of Dillington (CB)]

My Lords, I ought to report on Amendment 111 in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Offord. The assessment of the effects of offshore wind farms on the environment, with particular reference to sea-birds, has been ongoing for some years now. That does not necessarily undermine the future of the amendment, but it indicates that it might not be necessary.

The UK Centre for Ecology & Hydrology—the CEH—has been monitoring sea-birds in the North Sea since the 1970s. It largely studies birds on the Isle of May, just off the coast of Fife, but also sea-birds up and down the east coast of Britain. Over the past decade, these studies—largely funded by wind power operators, but also by the Scottish Government, the RSPB and others—have been extensively monitoring the effects of offshore wind farms on sea-birds. Admittedly, having to cope with and discount the simultaneous effect of bird flu has meant that this has proven a very complicated exercise recently but, with bird flu now on the wane, colonies of sea-birds seem to be flourishing in spite of the growth of offshore wind farms. The jury is still out, but the effect of these farms seems pretty low compared to that of bird flu and the new climate change-induced phenomenon of marine heatwaves. The latter winter current changes affect the growth and presence of sand eels, which are hugely important to the winter diet of many sea-birds.

The point is that the bottom tip of a marine turbine blade is 30 metres above sea level. That is pretty high and nearly all sea-birds fly below it. Kittiwakes are the notable exception but, even here, the CEH is helping the wind farm operators to examine how to minimise their losses. One solution is to paint one of the three blades black, which seems to have a beneficial effect. It is also helping to mitigate overall losses by building artificial nesting sites for kittiwakes on the Yorkshire cliffs, for example. The intention is that the overall kittiwake population should not be affected.

It is possible—and the jury, as I say, is still out on this—that offshore wind farms actually help sea-birds flourish. Most birds thrive relatively well during summer months, but they suffer and sometimes die from lack of food in winter months. While the recent cessation of sand-eel fishing by UK fishing boats has helped—they are now not allowed to fish for sand-eels—the Danes continue this practice in considerable quantities. However, neither the Danes’ nor other fishing boats tend to fish inside wind farms for fear of snagging their nets. Thus, wind farms have become a sanctuary for sand-eels and other fish and could therefore be having a beneficial effect on the overwintering of sea-birds. But, as I say, the jury is still out.

The environmental assessment of offshore wind farms is already happening, is based on data going back to the 1970s and seems to indicate so far that their environmental effects are not hugely harmful.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

I should like first to speak to my noble friend Lord Fuller’s Amendment 113, on tidal energy. I ask the Minister what the position is on the Severn because, in theory, the Severn bore has immense capacity to generate electricity, going upstream and downstream. It always strikes me that if we are looking for tidal energy, the Severn bore offers better opportunities than almost anything else. I am told that when people looked at this, they found big problems with flooding land further upstream, which would have led to enormous compensation claims from farmers and so forth. I should be grateful if the Minister filled us in on the Government’s thinking on the Severn, because it strikes me that if we could create tidal energy there, that would be very beneficial to the country as a whole.

Amendments 111 and 112 address environmental considerations. We have seen in the newspapers today that the Government are bringing forth a Bill that will say that in future, environmental considerations will not be taken into account in quite the same way in respect of building projects. Can the Minister update us on the Government’s thinking on that Bill, when it is likely to appear and what it is likely to say? We are all interested in this issue. Will it read directly across to energy projects, as it does for construction projects? We have heard from the Prime Minister about this wonderful tunnel they have been building on the HS2 line to preserve bats, which is costing £100 million. Then, we heard that it was not going to preserve the bats after all, and they were all going to die somehow. We want to be updated on the Government’s thinking on that. We get all these remarks from the Prime Minister, but they are significant in terms of the environmental concerns associated with construction projects. What I really want to know from the Minister is whether this is going to read straight across to energy projects in the same way and make it easier to get other construction projects going, such as housing. I should be grateful if he filled us in on that when he sums up.

[Lord Howell of Guildford (Con)]

My Lords, I declare an interest as an adviser to a company deeply involved in the energy transition, particularly in some of the switching station construction, which, obviously, is the land-based part of the vast increase in electricity from wind pylons that is planned—necessary, in fact, for us to begin to get anywhere near the clean electricity volumes we require for the modern economy.

We all heard President Trump making some ambitious statements yesterday. He was very strong on the fact that vast investment would be required in clean electricity—indeed, electricity of all kinds, in his case—to cope with the great new data systems that he has persuaded private industry to co-operate with the state in building. I think he said it would be $500 billion, or £300 billion; whatever the figure was, it was enormous, and the amount of electricity will be colossal. Running the data centres that will be required, which we are trying to build here as well, can drain entire systems of electricity. The demand is vast. This relatively small area, worth £8.4 billion—he calls it “peanuts”, and it seems nothing compared with these figures—will be part of this, and it will obviously have a very large footprint: a major environmental impact.

My noble friend Lord Hamilton spoke about tidal power and the Thames Barrier. To give a little history—I am sorry, but it is relevant to where we are now—he will remember, because I know he has a crystal-clear memory, that, 40 years ago when he was my Parliamentary Private Secretary in the Department of Energy, the first folder on my desk on day 1 of moving into the job was a gigantic report on the Severn barrage. The conclusion was that it would not work and would have a huge environmental impact on nature and the surroundings, rather on the scale of the idea that has now been floated down at Hinkley—that some kind of marshland development should be promoted, which will also have an enormous impact and is causing a lot of protest. So, this is not a new question. We have been talking about barrages and tidal energy and its capacities, and the undoubted impact it can have in specific areas on a rather small scale, for at least 40 years, and we will no doubt be talking for the next 40 years.

In a specific situation it makes sense but, generally, as part of the huge electricity supply that we are now contemplating, as NESO told us only yesterday, we are now moving towards the base camp, to use its language—to this colossal increase in clean electricity by 2030. Just as we are at that point, we can now see that these small additions help, but they will not be part of the central solution.

My noble friend Lord Fuller raised a number of very interesting questions. He also made a general point which is relevant to this amendment as well as others: where are we on new thinking about public purposes harnessing private money? It is an old and obvious question. It is particularly obvious now, when the modern state has vast amounts invested and huge duties to fulfil. In fact, some of them are too vast for the state to cope with in its present form. It has no money, or, rather, it is underwater in debt, as the entire nation is—indeed, the entire world is—and it is hesitant to raise more by taxation and therefore has to look to the poor old consumer and the taxpayer for anything it can raise.

The private sector has the money. The sovereign wealth funds, pension funds and investment pools around the world have vast amounts of money and are looking for places to invest it, but they cannot find them. Somewhere in between those two—the Government having all the demands and the private sector having all the money—there has to be a reinvention of the co-operation between the state and the private sector, which the ideologists in our various parties will not like at all, but that is where we are going. We had a try with the private finance initiative, which was invented by the Conservative Party and taken up with some enthusiasm by Labour, now in government again, and then it ran into difficulties.

I believe that there used to be a unit in the Cabinet Office looking at this whole new area—I hope it is still there somewhere—of having new kinds of co-operation in the digital age between the Government, or the state, and private sources of money. I would quite like to know from the Minister whether that unit is still operating and, I hope, having some very new ideas, and not just in this area. The same problem arises in a vast range of areas.

As to the impact on the environment, which this amendment so rightly focuses on, something of this kind has got to be included in the Bill. It would be a dishonest Bill if it did not have something addressing these issues. I mentioned the switching stations; I am not quite sure how many new ones we will require between now and 2030. I think that two have just been started. I have a figure of 13 switching stations around the coast of this country. Whether they will be built in time, I very much doubt but, if they are, I would like to know what sort of impact they will have on the environment.

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[Lord Howell of Guildford (Con)]

I had actually finished but I spoke repeatedly to the environment amendment. I mentioned it six or seven times. I am not sure what the noble Earl’s motive is. I thought that ought to be clear. Is it not clear?

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

Can we just return to the Severn barrage? I agree that, 40 years ago, my noble friend was looking at this and that I was looking over his shoulder at the time. The concerns about putting in a barrage on the Severn were mainly about flooding a whole mass of land further upstream. This was in the days when farmers were expected to grow food. It is rather changed now; we expect our farmers to have immense environmental concerns and, in many cases, the whole grant system is skewed towards people having nature reserves on their farms rather than producing food. Surely, if a lot of this land got flooded that would be incredibly encouraging for people who want to encourage wading birds and all the rest of it. I am sure there would be enormous environmental benefits, rather than a downturn in the prosperity of the land which then got flooded by the barrage.

[Lord Roborough (Con)]

My Lords, I briefly address Amendment 113 in the name of my noble friend Lord Fuller. I declare my interest in the ownership of salmon fishing rivers.

Proposals that I have seen in the past for energy generated from tidal turbines have tended to be located where currents are strongest. By definition, this is where sea movement is constricted by narrower channels —between islands, between islands and the mainland, in estuaries or on prominent headlands around which currents and tides race. These locations are precisely where the movements of migratory fish species such as salmon and sea trout, as well as saltwater species, will be concentrated. The wild Atlantic salmon is already an IUCN red list species and the greatest of care must be taken with any further risk to the survival of every individual fish, given that the species is so threatened.

For these reasons, I strongly support my noble friend’s amendment and those of my noble friend Lord Offord of Garvel, which he and my noble friend Lord Howell of Guildford have spoken to very convincingly. I urge the Minister to take these concerns seriously and consider incorporating environmental protections in this Bill.

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Moved by

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom]

118B: After Clause 7, insert the following new Clause—
“Investment in subsidised renewable energy projects Great British Energy must not invest in any project that relies wholly or in part on subsidies from the UK Government.” Member's explanatory statement
This amendment would prevent GB Energy from investing in projects which rely on UK Government subsidies.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

My Lords, the concern that we have here is all to do with financing projects, and the worry that the Great British Energy fund will be used to bolster the financing of some highly speculative energy projects that the private sector is not prepared to back. Those are the ones that will be moving in the Government’s direction and they will be very speculative. They may well not make money; they may be almost doomed to lose money when they start.

There is a great concern here that, when the Treasury is raking around to get contributions for a highly speculative scheme, it will be looking for Great British Energy to put some money into the pot in addition to taxpayers’ money. One thinks here about the development of batteries or energy storage—which is all very controversial—and the whole business of storing CO₂ emissions and pumping that into existing oil wells. I am not sure that the technology for that has been completely satisfied. It all seems to be rather speculative as to whether it will ever happen.

That is the worry that many people have about this Bill. There is a very lively private sector that is happily picking all the low-hanging fruit when it comes to profitable ventures in the energy field. If we are not careful, Great British Energy will be left with everything else that is far from profitable, is extremely speculative and may well lose taxpayers’ money in the process. We want some reassurance from the Minister that this will not happen. Otherwise, it really will be an abuse of taxpayers’ money if Great British Energy just gets involved in all the things that the private sector is not prepared to back.

There are so many different areas that are very speculative when it comes to energy. We had a great debate about hydrogen in the past, for instance. My noble friend Lord Roborough and I do not in fact agree that there is a future for hydrogen. We do not seem to have had any great elucidation from the Minister on this; I do not know whether the Government think that hydrogen is a good idea or a bad one. Either way, it is a typical example of a very speculative form of alternative energy that could cost a fortune to develop and lose people an awful lot of money if it did not work out at the end of the day.

The point of my amendment is that I am very concerned that the Great British Energy fund will be used for these very speculative ventures and I am not sure that that is really what the taxpayer is looking for. I had an issue with what my noble friend Lady Bloomfield said about all the profit that would be made by Great British Energy. I am not sure that it will be making any profit; I think it is much more likely that it will make thundering great losses and all the billions of pounds that are put into it will merely disappear with very little to show for it in the future.

[Lord Frost (Con)]

My Lords, I speak to Amendment 130 in my name. I begin by noting my interests as set out in the register; I have a new interest as a director of Net Zero Watch.

Amendment 130 would postpone the entry into force of much of this Act until the Secretary of State publishes a comprehensive report setting out the full costs of the renewable energy industry. My noble friend Lord Hamilton has just set out the logic of having such a clause that delays the entry into force of certain provisions. From my point of view, the logic is that certain things need to be made clear before Great British Energy can effectively start its work.

It is in this area—the cost of renewables, the subsidies, the taxpayer support, the higher prices—that this problem of establishing the basis on which GBE is proceeding seems the strongest because it would be going into this without any reliable costings in this area and with a real sense that what is known about the costs of renewables is not being disclosed entirely frankly for full and honest debate. When we try to have a debate on this subject, we are often shot down by a statement that, whatever the costs, the costs of climate change are higher. But again, that is never set out. I was lucky enough yesterday to be able to ask the Secretary of State when the last cost-benefit analysis had been done on this subject, and he said it was in 2021. That was before the Ukraine war, which is used as the justification for the rush to renewables.

The NESO report was produced last autumn. It shows that both the pathways to decarbonisation of the energy grid in 2030 are more expensive than doing nothing. That is even clearer if you eliminate the vastly inflated carbon price included in those costings. My right honourable friend the shadow Secretary for Energy Claire Coutinho said last week that internal work within the department on the full system costs of renewables, which she commissioned when she was Energy Secretary, had been stopped. That work would have given us the data that would have enabled the report that my amendment requires.

To conclude on this point, I refer to a blog by Sir Dieter Helm, a well-known expert in this area and not someone with whom I agree on the fundamentals of climate change. He says in this blog, written last week, on the prospect of renewables costs falling:

“It would be wonderful if it was true, but sadly it isn’t anytime soon”.


He goes on to say the UK and the EU are

“telling fairy tales that ‘it’s all going to be cheaper’ here”.

He is one of the biggest experts in this area. We need honesty and GBE needs clarity about the reality on which it is proceeding with its work. That is why I have tabled my amendment, and why we need a proper report and clarity. GBE needs a reliable starting point so that its actions can be tested against reality and we can be sure that it is acting properly in the public interest. I hope the Minister looks at the issue with that in mind, and perhaps gives this amendment sympathetic consideration.

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[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to all noble Lords who have taken part in this debate, which reflects previous debates in Committee. It started with the noble Lord, Lord Hamilton, being worried that GBE will invest badly, not make money and invest in speculative projects, which he thought the Treasury might encourage it to do. My experience of the Treasury is that that is not how it works out in practice. Our challenge is encouraging the Treasury to make investment decisions, and the scrutiny with which it approaches this matter can be described as vigorous.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

Does the Minister anticipate that the Treasury will have a veto on anything that Great British Energy invests in?

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

No, I do not imagine the Treasury will have a veto, but I think it will keep a careful eye on the work of GBE. I have already mentioned in previous debates the number of controls that will be in place.

Noble Lords argue this many ways around, but we are trying to reach a middle ground where we get the benefits of a company with people on the board who are very experienced in this area making hard-headed commercial decisions, because we want GBE to be successful and to make a profit. On the other hand, it is also a public sector body accountable to the Secretary of State and therefore subject to the normal public sector controls. The skill of the GBE board will be to find a way through this, and that is why we wish to give it as much operational independence as possible.

At the risk of repeating myself on the cost issue, in its whole-system analysis undertaken for the previous Government, my department concluded that a renewables-led system, complemented by flexible technologies to ensure that supply and demand are balanced, alongside technology such as nuclear, would form the cheapest foundation for a future decarbonised power grid. Since that analysis was published, a range of external commentators, such as Energy Systems Catapult and the Climate Change Committee, have published analysis which reaches similar conclusions.

Noble Lords have quoted Dieter Helm and other commentators but I believe that there is a general consensus on the broad make-up of the most cost-effective future systems, although there will be some disagreement over potential technologies in future. For instance, the noble Lord, Lord Hamilton, raised hydrogen, and, in our short debate on small modular reactors in the House this afternoon, there was a question about value for money in their development. I readily accept that; however, we think that the general mix is the most cost-effective way to go forward.

Amendment 118B seeks to add after Clause 7 a new clause that would prevent GBE investing in any project that relies wholly or in part on government subsidies. I am not in favour of that. First, GBE is operationally independent, so commercial investment decisions need to be made separately from government decisions on subsidy provision. Secondly, GBE will be focused on driving clean energy deployment through its functions. The Government provide different subsidies in different ways across the energy market, so limiting GBE’s activities to areas where there are no government subsidies would unnecessarily constrain the company.

Coming back to a point from the noble Lord, Lord Hamilton, the advice we have had from the Climate Change Committee is that CCUS would enable us to have the lowest-cost pathway to net zero. It described it as

“a necessity, not an option”

for maintaining our climate commitments.

The way in which GBE will interact with existing and new government policies and influence the energy system will clearly be determined on a case-by-case basis. We will clarify the relationship between existing schemes and GBE in due course. I assure the Committee that we are currently seeking advice on Great British Energy’s compliance with the Subsidy Control Act in both its establishment and operation.

Amendments 129 and 130 propose additions to Clause 8. In essence, they seek to delay the commencement of the Act until the Secretary of State publishes a report on the appropriateness of further government subsidy for offshore wind developments, as well as a comprehensive report detailing the full costs to consumers and taxpayers of the UK renewable energy industry. Noble Lords will not be surprised to hear that I resist these amendments. We want to see Great British Energy get set up as quickly as possible and get on with the job. Frankly, I do not see it as necessary for those reports to be published.

On Amendment 129, as I said in our debate on the previous group, we are committed to increasing radically the deployment of offshore wind, which provides us with secure, domestically generated electricity. As I have already mentioned, we want 42 to 50 gigawatts of offshore wind by 2030, up from 15 gigawatts today. The contracts for difference scheme is the Government’s main mechanism for supporting new renewable electricity generation projects. We continue to evolve that scheme to ensure that it is aligned with the Government’s wider objectives. In addition, the clean power action plan that we published last year reconfirmed our view, and that of NESO, that clean power can be delivered by 2030 without increasing costs to the consumer and with scope for lower bills.

Overall, I really think that GBE should now be allowed to get on with the job. I do not believe that putting in amendments that would prevent it investing in schemes that attract subsidies is the right way forward. The Government would certainly resist that.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

My Lords, my concerns remain. This is such a thin Bill and commits the Government to so little—other than spending other people’s money in inordinate quantities—that one can see the potential for things going wrong very easily. I beg leave to withdraw my amendment.

Amendment 118B withdrawn.

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[Viscount Trenchard (Con)]

My Lords, it is disappointing that no financial framework details were included in the Bill, as they should have been. Amendment 125, which will be spoken to by my noble friend Lord Offord, would ensure that the Bill cannot come into force until the Secretary of State has laid before Parliament, together with a Motion for resolution in each House, a revised financial framework document. This would improve transparency and accountability, which are in short supply in this Bill, as has been noted by many noble Lords.

I have also added my name to Amendments 126 and 127 in this group, which would essentially require the Government to explain the impact of their proposals on the number of jobs in Aberdeen and would require a report on the cost and viability of their net-zero targets. I fear that the negative approach to the oil and gas industry based in Aberdeen will lead to more job losses than will be created by the location of GBE in that city. I am also not at all sure that the type of people being made redundant by oil and gas enterprises being forced to destroy economically beneficial businesses are the same type of people GBE will wish to recruit. It is clear that the Government’s decision to locate in Aberdeen was intended to mitigate the damage to that city’s economy, but I am not at all sure that that will be the case. I support my noble friend Lord Hamilton in calling the Government to account on these matters through tabling these two amendments.

As I said at Second Reading, we cannot rely on renewables to continue to decarbonise the grid, or even begin to replace our much larger industrial energy consumption, which is still dependent largely on oil and gas. My noble friend Lord Frost explained on 14 November, and again today, how serious a problem the intermittency of renewables is. It is essential that the Government think again before confirming the premature ending of oil and gas, at least until more serious attention has been paid to the possibilities that nuclear may offer. In this regard, we should be a little bit more like France.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

My Lords, I speak to the two amendments in my name. The first, Amendment 126, is about the jobs in Aberdeen. Unfortunately, this amendment gets involved only in the number of jobs that are created by Great British Energy in Aberdeen. As my noble friend Lord Trenchard has already referred to, it does not make any reference to the number of jobs that have already been destroyed by the Secretary of State for Energy in not granting any more licences in the North Sea, which will have—

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

It is all very well the noble Lord saying that, but I remind him that a lot of jobs were lost on the UK continental shelf during his Government’s stewardship.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

Yes, but the fact that a number have gone already because the industry is declining is not a compelling reason for destroying even more, in my view—but I hear what the Minister says.

Of course, this contrasts tremendously with the inaugural address from President Trump, saying, “Drill, baby, drill”. He is quite keen on expanding the oil industry in the United States, which is interesting because he slightly gives the impression that the United States has been rather laggardly in producing oil. I have some quite interesting statistics from the Library that indicate that, throughout the Biden years, despite all the green initiatives that were produced, the United States was actually the biggest producer of oil in the world. In 2020, it produced 11.3 million barrels a day, and in 2023 it produced 12.9 million barrels a day. Of that, it was using about 8 or 9 million barrels for its own consumption and exporting the rest. The idea being put out by the Trump regime that drilling for oil will somehow be a new venture is quite interesting; it has been going on, fit to bust, under the Biden Administration—you slightly wonder how that ties in with all the green credentials that he was boasting about, when they were producing these vast quantities of oil. They were way ahead of the Russians, who were the second-biggest producer of oil, at about 10 million barrels a day.

We are now in an interesting situation, as there seems to be a recognition by the Trump regime that we will go on needing hydrocarbons and oil way into the future. At the end of the day, the idea that we can somehow phase all this out in this country slightly defies credibility because, as we have discussed already, the reserves of oil are higher than they have ever been, and we will go on needing it for quite some time. It is rather extraordinary that we do not produce our own oil in the North Sea for our requirements. As it is, we will have to import it from other places, creating CO₂ emissions and so forth on the way.

[Earl Russell (LD)]

I was listening to what the noble Lord was saying, and the truth is that North Sea oil is declining by 7% a year—which will not change—and that we have the third-best wind resources in the world. North Sea oil will never meet our energy needs and, if we do not find alternative forms of energy, we will be dependent on the international markets, which will mean huge variability, no security and huge cost to our bill payers. Surely the best thing to do is use the third-best renewable resources in the world that we have to back that up with a system that works.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

I find that an interesting comment because, at the end of the day, wind energy is totally dependent on the feed-in tariffs that end up on everybody’s electricity bills. That is one reason why we are paying such enormous sums of money for electricity at the moment. The idea that wind is somehow a cheap option does not seem to be quite working out.

The broad point is that anybody who looks at the energy demands of this country knows that we will go on needing oil for quite some time to come. It seems extraordinary that we then depend on imports of oil from around the world, with all the CO₂ emissions that go with that, rather than producing our own. I can see no logic in that at all. The production of oil in the North Sea may be declining, but that does not mean that we should not, therefore, give licences to produce more oil from the North Sea if we actually need it in this country. That seems inexplicable when we are importing it from elsewhere.

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[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, I do listen carefully to what noble Lords have said. Our final debate in Committee, as the noble Lord, Lord Vaux, suggests, takes us back to some of the early debates and concerns that noble Lords have. I am particularly grateful to the noble Earl, Lord Russell, for his support. The point he made is that the cost of doing nothing will, in the end, be much more expensive than the cost of net zero. I say to the noble Lord, Lord Hamilton, that sticking to oil and gas is certainly not a free lunch, either. The noble Earl also pointed to the declining reserves in the UK continental shelf. This is a fact of life and why there were losses of jobs in Aberdeen under the previous Government. I will come back to the issue of Aberdeen in a moment.

Clearly, the effect of the amendments will be to defer the commencement of most provisions in the Bill until several requirements have been met. They include the laying before and approval by Parliament of a framework document and statement of strategic priorities, the publication of an outline statement of strategic priorities, the publication of an assessment on the expected impact of the Act on the number of jobs in Aberdeen and the publication of a report on the cost and viability of the Government’s net-zero targets. We have already discussed many of these matters in Committee and the Committee will be aware of the Government’s views and intents on this.

Our aim is to get this Bill on the statute book as soon as we can. It is also our clear intention that the statement of strategic priorities cannot be produced without the full involvement of Great British Energy in order to get its expertise, including that of the newly appointed non-executive directors, to inform the statement. This is why we do not believe that we can publish the statement of strategic priorities either during the passage of the Bill or before Royal Assent. Once parliamentary approval is given, we will ensure that we move as quickly as we possibly can to produce the statement.

On accountability, in the end, Ministers will agree with the statement that we are accountable to Parliament. I do not think your Lordships’ House is backward in holding Ministers to account for what they do. We have the Select Committee process, there are numerous opportunities for scrutiny of what we decide in relation to the statement and, of course, the statement is also subject to revision from time to time.

On the framework document, I suppose I can only repeat what I said before. We are committed to producing a framework document. It will, as framework documents do, cover the governance structure, the requirements for reporting and information sharing, and the financial responsibilities and controls. I have given this assurance from the Dispatch Box, so that is a government statement of what is going to happen. The framework document will be extensive and will follow the normal course of action. I hope that assures noble Lords that everything is being done in a proper way and with proper accountability, ensuring that Great British Energy is subject to the appropriate controls—as is only right for a body that is ultimately responsible to the Secretary of State for its activities.

We think that it is a very good thing that GBE will be based in Aberdeen; a significant proportion of GBE’s staff will certainly be based there. We think that Aberdeen will benefit from new jobs in the economy created because of GBE’s investment in renewable energy projects. I understand and very much accept the need to ensure, as we have talked about, a just transition for the people involved in the oil and gas sector. We want to do everything we can to enable offshore workers to lead the world in the industries of the future, which is why we are working very hard with businesses, employees and workers to manage our existing fields for the entirety of their lifetime and are putting in place programmes to support a transition. It is interesting that research from Robert Gordon University shows that 90% of oil and gas workers have medium to high transferable skills for offshore renewable jobs; knowing the skills that people who work in the North Sea bring to the jobs they do, that does not surprise me.

This is all I will say to the noble Lord, Lord Hamilton, in relation to President Trump’s decisions: it is interesting that, in his first term, the US actually saw quite a drive into renewable energy. It may be that we will still see the same direction under the new Administration in the end; that is for the US Government to decide. We as a Government are sticking to the Paris Agreement and to the need to get to net zero and clean power as soon as we possibly can.

[Lord Hamilton of Epsom (Con)]

There are interesting comments in the press that, although President Trump is committed to increasing the amount of oil the United States produces, that is very much dependent on the price. The frackers of oil and gas in the United States will frack it if they can get a good price for it; if the price drops, they will hold back, so it does not follow that he will actually increase the oil production of the United States by saying, “Drill, baby, drill”.