Education (Assemblies) Bill [HL] Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Davies of Brixton
Main Page: Lord Davies of Brixton (Labour - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Davies of Brixton's debates with the Department for Education
(1 day, 21 hours ago)
Lords ChamberAs “Monty Python’s Flying Circus” had it, do you have that strange feeling of déjà vu? We have been here before; it is becoming a regular event—but that is quite right. It is an issue upon which I have strong views, and I always welcome the opportunity to express them.
I speak as a corridor child, although that was more to do with train timetables than any point of principle. However, I can testify to the pointlessness of being excluded from the life of a school, which is an inevitable result of the current approach. The Education (Assemblies) Bill is a necessary and overdue reform that seeks to replace the requirement for daily acts of Christian worship in non-faith schools with inclusive assemblies that cater for all students, regardless of their religious belief. In my view, the Bill represents a significant step towards ensuring that the education system in England reflects the diversity and inclusivity of modern British society. There is clearly a need for that.
I welcome that there has been a genuine debate at Second Reading. I note in particular that the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Chelmsford referred to the flexibility of the current system. We need to be clear that that flexibility is available essentially because of an element of hypocrisy: enforcement of the terms of the law is not always followed through, which is clearly an unsatisfactory situation.
The requirement enshrined in the 1944 Act, reinforced in subsequent legislation, does not reflect the reality of today’s multicultural and multifaith society. The UK is home to people of many different religions and to many, including me, with no religion at all. According to the 2001 census, almost 40% of people in England and Wales identify as having no religion, and a growing proportion of the rest do not identify as Christian. Forcing students to participate in Christian worship—because that is effectively what happens—is not only out of step with societal changes but contradicts the principles of freedom of belief.
While parents have the right to withdraw their children from these acts of worship, that places an unfair burden on families and can isolate children from their peers. Despite my strong views, I never sought to withdraw my children from collective acts of Christian worship, because they were part of the life of the school. In a sense, you were coerced into participating in what is, essentially, a charade.
The Bill proposes a simple but powerful change: replacing mandated Christian worship with inclusive assemblies that promote the spiritual, moral, social and cultural development of all pupils. I note that the right reverend Prelate, in setting the terms for what she wanted to see take place in schools, introduced the word “worship” into what should be regarded as an acceptable school assembly. I do not know how widely held that view is, but it is the worship that is the problem; it needs to be excluded from activities that are part of the collective life of the school.
Under this Bill there would still be opportunities for reflection, moral education and community building, but in a way that does not privilege a religious perspective over others. Such an approach would ensure that all students feel equally valued and respected, regardless of their personal beliefs. Schools would have the flexibility to design assemblies that encourage critical thinking, ethical discussions and a sense of community, without requiring participation in religious practices. I very much support this Bill and hope it will progress and, at long last, even possibly change the law.
My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Lord, Lord Davies of Brixton. I think the word he used, “charade”, is a description of our current situation. It is worth looking at how, in other debates in your Lordships’ House, we see some very intense discussion about the nature of our schools. We are seeing a lot of debate on mental ill-health among our young people. Having a charade, which is what it very clearly is, at the foundation of this is not good.
I thank the noble Lord, Lord Watson of Invergowrie, for his kind words and apologise to the noble Lord for leaving the Chamber during his speech. If you do three Bills in a row, you have to time the comfort breaks quite carefully; I apologise for that.
As with many people in the debate today, I feel a sense of déjà vu in thanking the noble Baroness, Lady Burt of Solihull, for bringing this Bill, as I thanked her three years ago. The arguments for it now are clearer than ever.
I apologise; I omitted from my speech my thanks to the noble Baroness. I want to take the opportunity to say thanks again to the noble Baroness, Lady Burt, for bringing this Bill back.
I am very happy to give way on that basis.
I want to pick up points made by the noble Lord, Lord Weir of Ballyholme. The Bill the noble Lord described does not reflect the Bill I see in front of me. Arguments were made on the question of representing society. But this is not our society any more. Looking at history, I thought it was interesting that the noble Lord spoke about Judaeo-Christianism as a foundation of democracy. I am not sure if the noble Lord knows that some of the earliest democracy that we know of in the world was the old Assyrian empire, well before even the ancient Greeks. To make a claim of exclusivity to democracy does not stack up.
There are three main points I want to make. First, we often hear about how much pressure there is on schools and how much difficulty they have fitting in time for important lessons and activities. Here is a space and time for moral, spiritual and cultural development that we could be using far more creatively and better. As the noble Baroness, Lady Burt, said, the time that is currently theoretically allocated for worship could be used creatively to learn about nature, and for the consideration of ourselves as human animals in a more than human world.
Secondly, we have not made a great deal of this argument today, but it is worth pointing out that the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has said that the imposition of worship undermines children’s rights under Article 9 of the Human Rights Convention and Article 14 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. As I said in the context of the first Bill I spoke on today, we are seeing the rule of law, human rights and UN traditions under such pressure around the world. That really does help to build the case for this Bill.
A 2024 poll showed that a large majority—70%—of school leaders oppose this collective worship. We have this provision, but we know that it is not being delivered. As the noble Lord, Lord Davies, said, this is a charade. The UK is the only sovereign state where Christian worship is compulsory in state schools, including those without a religious character. We are talking about a law dating back to 1944. It really is time that we moved on and provided care and support for our children.
During this time, a local theatre group could come in and put on a little play that poses a moral conundrum, which could then be discussed. As I said, the time could be used to discuss nature, or there could be lessons in first aid and how to react in situations where it is needed. This time could be well spent on these really useful things—education for life, not exams—and that is what the noble Baroness’s Bill moves towards.
I finish by offering the Green group’s strongest possible support for the Bill, and I very much hope that it progresses.