(3 days, 17 hours ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, it is a great honour to follow the noble Lord, Lord Forbes of Newcastle, and to welcome him to your Lordships’ House. I also extend a welcome to other noble Lords making their maiden speeches today.
I thank my friend, the noble Lord, Lord Forbes, for his excellent maiden speech. He made some immensely wise comments that superbly illustrate his capacity for, and commitment to, the work that he will undertake in this place. His mention of the values that have shaped his life are those that we should all aspire to and live out in our collective endeavours in this House. His calling our attention to the importance of inclusion is particularly vital.
The noble Lord’s years of dedicated service to local government and his commitment to creating thriving communities will greatly benefit this House. His lived experience, coupled with his kind heart, fierce mind and strong spirit, underpins his integrity, determination and resolve to seek the welfare of people and communities, especially those in deprivation. A keen listener and one who is ready to learn, he is well equipped for his new role in your Lordships’ House. I wish him well and look forward to working with him.
I turn to the subject of this debate. I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Monckton of Dallington Forest, for bringing it to your Lordships’ House. I am aware that, with the noble Lord’s contribution, noble Lords are getting a double dip of north-east input, but I hope this adds value.
Just yesterday, two chefs from Michelin-starred restaurants in Newcastle and Northumberland warned of major hospitality job losses caused by higher tax bills. Cal Byerley and Kenny Atkinson said that many businesses were on their last legs. For some hospitality venues in Newcastle, it is too late, with popular and long-standing venues having closed their doors permanently even in recent weeks. The North East Chamber of Commerce reports that many businesses used the temporary reliefs during Covid and subsequent energy crisis support to cover fixed costs rather than to invest, meaning that resilience remains thin.
On the upside, in Newcastle city centre, bus reform and subsidised young person fares have increased evening and weekend footfall, helping the night-time economy, which in Newcastle is rather lively. Regeneration investments make the city a more attractive visitor destination, which supports hospitality and retail spending. Information given to me by the North East Chamber of Commerce reports that the visitor economy supports around 63,000 jobs and contributes over £6.6 billion to the regional economy, representing 8% to 11% of regional GDP.
The Government’s announcement today of the investment in cultural organisations is therefore welcome in its potential to boost the broader economic landscape. Similarly, the overnight visitor levy could be a tool to invest in communities and support better jobs. Time will tell. Will the Minister monitor its impact?
In Northumberland, co-ordinated tourism strategies promote heritage assets such as Alnwick Castle and the coastal trail. This draws millions of visitors annually, boosting accommodation, cafés and retailers in towns such as Bamburgh and Berwick-upon-Tweed. However, these gains are strongly seasonal. A café might thrive in August but struggle in January, even as fixed costs remain year round. Government policies, through business rates, labour regulation and demand-side investment, exert powerful and concrete effects on retail and hospitality in Newcastle and Northumberland.
An underlying theme is what policy does at a granular level to communities and their ability to thrive in the short, medium and longer term—a point that the noble Baroness made so eloquently in her opening speech. The noble Lord, Lord Forbes, and I have in common that we both grew up in the north-east, as well as the year of our birth, 1973—the year Sunderland won the FA Cup. In that regard, we will both have similar memories of the impact of the decline of industry on communities, and the knock-on effect of that on the economic prosperity of the region and on people, the effects of which are long-standing and intergenerational.
The challenge now, which is also an opportunity, is not only to craft a policy environment that balances cost pressures with sustainable demand and opportunity for growth but to truly set forth a long-term vision that enables the welfare and flourishing of people and communities—not driven by fear and anxiety, but drawn by confidence, hope and economic sustainability.
(6 days, 17 hours ago)
Lords ChamberTo ask His Majesty’s Government what steps they are taking to reduce domestic violence against children, and prevent such behaviour being learned and repeated by those under 16.
Tackling abuse in teenage relationships and preventing abuse before it happens is a priority for the Government. The recently published violence against women and girls strategy commits to ensuring that all children learn about healthy relationships and consent in school, provides a helpline for young people concerned about their own behaviour to provide support and guidance, and delivers interventions for young people which challenge and change harmful attitudes and behaviours.
I thank the Minister for his Answer. Can he give an update on the Government’s response to calls to lower the statutory age at which individuals can be seen as victims of domestic abuse? This is otherwise known as Holly’s law, named after the Northumberland teenager, Holly Newton, who was murdered by her ex-partner.
I am very aware of the murder of Holly Newton, and my thoughts are with her family and friends. As the right reverend Prelate may know, the Home Office is undertaking a scoping review into the legal framework of domestic abuse to ensure that it captures the experience of adolescents in particular. This includes—the point that the right reverend Prelate mentioned—reviewing the age limit in the Domestic Abuse Act 2021. The review will conclude during the course of this year, and I will be able to report back in due course.
(4 months, 1 week ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, this is not the first country in which I have lived and worked during such a debate as this. I was a Bishop in New Zealand ahead of the referendum on a similar Bill there five years ago. I witnessed the arguments, heard the reassurances and have since followed its implementation, including the pressures on healthcare professionals and the unforeseen consequences from a lack of clarity around process.
Only recently, New Zealand published its five-year review of the Act, highlighting significant practical challenges, concluding that the review committee is ineffective as an oversight body and recommending reforms. Five years on from the passing of a Bill much like the one before us, it would be irresponsible not to take its findings seriously. Most strikingly, the report highlights confused principles for the service and even recommends that the New Zealand Government establish specific principles to underpin the Act. This is no small matter—to be five years into providing the service without clarity on the principles on which it was built. For legislation where the consequences of poor drafting are so high, it is alarming that such principles were not defined from the outset. Yet, almost a year into the passage of this Private Member’s Bill, we are still discussing core concepts, without sufficient detail on how a state-sponsored suicide service would be implemented. That should trouble us all.
In that regard, I will support the amendment put forward by the noble Baroness, Lady Berger, to enable at least more scrutiny by professional bodies. While such uncertainty remains about how the Bill would operate alongside our most important end-of-life care institutions, we should not legislate at this speed or in this way. Our first responsibility must be to ensure that palliative and end-of-life care is accessible and effective for all. Last week, I visited a hospice in Newcastle. I saw and heard at first hand how an affirmation of life and dignity matters for all of us. Proponents of the Bill say that it is about choice, yet I cannot see how this is true when it is both unsafe and unworkable in its current form.
Within the Judaeo-Christian tradition, the idea of being human begins with God, as my right reverend friend the Bishop of Southwark has asserted—the sense of transcendence that informs personhood. Our obsession with selfhood and individual choice belies our dignity and respect for others. In being human, we begin not so much with selfhood but with the idea of the other and of who we are in the realisation of community and society.
Surely, the moral imperative is to help people live. I recall the words of my Bishop, growing up in the north-east, David Jenkins—words now written on his tomb:
“God is. He is as He is in Jesus. So there is hope”.
It is this that deepens and enriches my vision of life and faith, a vision of hope in humanity shared with those of other faiths and none, which are inextricably bound together. I cannot support the Bill and urge other noble Lords to resist it too.
(8 months, 1 week ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Palmer of Childs Hill, for tabling Amendments 78 and 79, to which I have added my name in support. My comments will be brief. I add my voice to those of other noble Lords in the Chamber in appreciation of the debates that we have heard today on the detail of the Bill, which in many ways indicate the interrelatedness of the issues before us, and about what it is to live well together to enable the flourishing of every person throughout their whole lives.
I am very grateful to the Minister for her engagement with me over several months on the matter of kinship care, and I acknowledge the Government’s evolving view on how best to ensure consistent and sustainable support for kinship carers. I appreciate that the Minister is open to further conversations, and I look forward to them.
Part of the challenge is providing a clear, agreed and workable definition of kinship care, and there is more work to be done on this, recognising that Amendment 79 sets out in some way to go about this task. It is about finding the right balance to achieve what is needed in supporting kinship carers and is not so open as to be unworkable in law and unrealistic in affordability. That, to me, is a challenge—it is around the parameters of what kinship care is—but I do not think that it is unresolvable.
However, the longer we take to get to this point, the more lives are being impacted. Kinship carers are overrepresented in the health, education and social care sectors, so the withdrawal from this labour market has an obvious impact on wider society. The north-east region, which I serve, has the highest rates of children in kinship care. The impact of this in real terms, given multiple and systemic factors of inequality, is immense.
Amendment 78 would grant kinship carers the right to take statutory paid leave, as the noble Lord, Lord Palmer, said, akin to the entitlements of adoptive parents. It would allow them to spend a period of protected time with the children entering their care as they settle into their new arrangements. Further, it would enable caregivers to remain in employment while they adjust to their new responsibilities and continue contributing to the economic growth that this Government strive for.
I again thank the Minister for her willingness to meet me and engage with these amendments. I urge her to carefully consider the difference these amendments would make to the lives of kinship carers, to those growing up in their loving care and to wider society.
My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the right reverend Prelate, who makes a strong case for more support for kinship carers. I added my name to Amendments 135 and 144 to demonstrate cross-party support for a squarer deal for carers.
Before I add a brief word to what has already been said about carers, I add a quick word about Amendment 77, on foster care. A long time ago, my wife and I were registered foster parents in the London Borough of Lambeth. We did short-term fostering, typically when a mother went into hospital to have a child and somebody needed to look after her existing child or children. It is not quite clear from the wording of Amendment 77 how short-term foster parents might qualify if the amendment became law.
If the definition in Amendment 78 was used—namely, that the fostering of a child had to last a year—then short-term foster parents would not qualify, even though they might have been providing short-term fostering for up to a year with a series of different children. Short-term fostering can last from two days to two years. On the other hand, should a two-day short-term fostering spell qualify for leave on its own? Probably not—so, we need a bit of clarity on entitlement if this is to go further.
(1 year, 1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, homes and relationships should be places where people feel safe and loved but, with Northumbria Police receiving about 115 calls about domestic abuse per day, this is sadly not the case for many. The north-east has particularly high rates of domestic violence, at 19 per 1,000 population according to Health Equity North, while the average for the whole of England is 13.
Steps are being taken to reduce this number, with Northumbria Police having placed domestic abuse specialists in their emergency call rooms since 2022. The project has received positive feedback, and I welcome the Government’s plans to introduce this more widely through Raneem’s law.
At the end of May, I met the family of Holly Newton, a 15 year-old girl who was stalked and murdered by her ex-boyfriend in Hexham, Northumberland, which is in my diocese. The noble Baroness, Lady Chisholm, mentioned Holly in her opening speech. The law states that this case was not one of domestic abuse, as both the victim and the perpetrator were under the age of 16, and it was classified as knife crime. This places an emphasis on the weapon rather than the build-up to the crime, which showed clear signs of domestic abuse.
In light of the recent Youth Endowment Fund survey of teenagers aged 13 to 17, which found that 49% had experienced some form of violent or controlling behaviour in their relationships in the past year, what consideration have the Government given to lowering the age limit to include those under 16 in the definition of domestic abuse?
I commend the Government’s ambition to halve violence against women and girls in a decade, but I fear that it is not possible without more focus on prevention. Holly’s family have raised the need to improve relationship education. The YEF survey also found that only 40% of respondents had lessons on building healthy, respectful romantic relationships, and even fewer teens received practical advice on recognising or addressing unhealthy relationships. What steps are the Government taking to ensure that teenagers receive high-quality education on healthy relationships and spotting signs of violence and coercion?
Bold ambitions require bold actions. I hope that this Government have the courage to take the necessary actions, centring the voices of victims and survivors.