(1 week, 1 day ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I thank noble Lords who are here for this debate, especially those who have missed football matches to take part in a game for the greater good of football—that is something we all agree on, whether or not we agree with the exact form of the regulator or whether we have amendments on which noble Lords may have a different view from me and the Government.
Before I address the amendments in this group, I would like to make a brief clarification regarding a comment that I made in Committee on 18 December. It pertains to an issue that comes up in the next group, but I felt it important to clarify it at this point of the debate. In response to a question from the noble Baroness, Lady Brady, regarding whether there was a similar final offer mechanism in use in the UK and how it has delivered the outcomes that this model intends to achieve, I said that the Competition and Markets Authority had used a final offer mechanism. While the CMA does have a similar final offer mechanism, it was incorrect for me to say the process had been used, as the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act only received Royal Assent on 24 May 2024, so the new regime has only just come into effect and has not yet been used by the CMA to come to a determination. We are clear, however, as the previous Government were clear, that this is an evidence-based model developed in tandem with leading economists, which has successfully achieved intended outcomes in other jurisdictions. I hope that through this evening’s debate I can reassure noble Lords that this is also the correct model for use in this case. As I mentioned, the model is discussed in considerable depth in the next group.
I note the question from the noble Lord, Lord Hayward, and I will seek clarity before the end of the debate. If I do not get it, I will come back to him on that particular point. Like him, I noted the request from the Chancellor on that point.
Moving on to the specific group that we have just debated, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Birt, for his amendments and insightful contributions. I also welcome his broad support for the principle underpinning the Bill around the independent football regulator. His knowledge and expertise are hugely beneficial in supporting the House to scrutinise this legislation. It was also helpful to have a reminder of the movement and the fluidity within and between leagues. That is an important point for your Lordships’ House to note and remember. The noble Lord, Lord Birt, has played an important part in the development of football broadcasting in this country and, as we have heard today, has a number of really valuable thoughts around this issue. That is also apparent in the thorough scrutiny that the noble Lord’s amendments provide on the design of the backstop process. It is important for us to examine why the Government believe that the backstop process remains the model that we should rely on when we come to setting the independent football regulator to work.
To reflect on the concerns of the noble Lords, Lord Birt and Lord Markham, and the noble Baroness, Lady Evans of Bowes Park, among others, I first restate that the intent behind this mechanism is not to create a heavy-handed regulatory intervention. There is a mediation process built in and we agree with the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, that this is an important step. To respond to the noble Lord’s specific concerns, the intent is to provide a last-resort process, only to be triggered if the leagues cannot come to an agreement themselves. It is genuinely intended to be a backstop. It cannot take place until mediation has concluded.
A number of noble Lords questioned why government intervention in this space is even necessary. A clear distribution agreement is in the interest of both the public and of football. Indeed, the Premier League recognises that financial redistribution is needed to ensure the vibrancy and sustainability of the football pyramid. As the noble Baroness, Lady Brady, has outlined on a number of occasions during Committee, that is why it already voluntarily distributes its revenues to lower leagues.
The EFL and the National League are important talent pipelines to the Premier League. Similarly, the Premier League is an important financial supporter of various programmes across the lower leagues. The football pyramid is a mutually beneficial structure, but only when a suitable distribution agreement or order is in place. The mechanism would not be necessary if the industry were able to come to a new agreement. I want to reassure noble Lords that, should the leagues choose to come to an independent agreement without the backstop, the regulator will not need to get involved and will not do so. One of the leagues has to apply to trigger the regulator’s process. It has to meet a high threshold, so leagues cannot unilaterally trigger it. This is not regulatory overreach into corporate agreements. If a voluntary corporate agreement is made between the leagues, then there is no role for the regulator. It is an alternative route by which a suitable deal and distribution scheme can be put in place, should the leagues require it. We recognise the value of preserving the competitiveness of English football. This process is designed to ensure its long-term financial sustainability and not to force a regulator-designed agreement on an industry.
Taking the points made by the noble Lord, Lord Birt, sequentially, I want first to address Amendments 295A and 297A. We acknowledge and respect the amendments’ intent to ensure that the mediator has the appropriate legal expertise to mediate successfully a complex financial and legal agreement alongside preventing potential conflicts of interest. I am not going to repeat the points made by the noble Lord, Lord Pannick. I agree with the sentiment expressed by the noble Lord, Lord Birt, that the mediator should be a relevantly qualified individual. However, we think that adding these specific requirements would disqualify potentially qualified and appropriate candidates and limit both the leagues and the regulator in their selection of potential mediators. As drafted, these principles for hiring may be too prescriptive and could lead to an inability to appoint a mediator if no suitable candidate were found who met all the conditions.
Amendment 297B seeks to add a formal arbitration mechanism to the backstop by providing another forum for negotiation before a final decision is made by the regulator. I must reiterate the point that the leagues have not been able to agree a new deal under an existing agreement since 2019. The addition of another negotiation step after the mediation stage would require not only the hiring of another formally qualified arbitrator but the introduction of a new set of statutory timelines. These new timelines, by which various crucial decisions must be made, would make the backstop process functionally unusable from a timing and resources perspective. It is also unclear what formal arbitration would be likely to achieve after a mandated and guided mediation process. The leagues can already come to an alternative agreement at any stage in the backstop process. This ability is explicitly protected in the Bill, so this added arbitration step would add complexity and would potentially—or even likely—delay the process.
On Amendments 297C and 297D, the introduction of a determination process would fundamentally override the final offer stage of the existing process, representing a significant shift in government policy towards a different type of arbitration process and moving away from the final offer mechanism. The process outlined in the amendment would offer the arbitrator greatly increased discretion regarding the design of the final proposals, requiring them only to consider evidence presented by the parties rather than to accept the design of one of their proposals. While we are sympathetic to the desire for the regulator to be required formally to consider expert analysis, systemic implications and the practicality of the proposals, allowing a third party to propose their own form of determination would remove entirely the incentive which the original process is designed to create. With a third-party decision-maker introduced to the process, it is likely that competition organisers would simply dig in to an inherently adversarial position rather than move closer to a middle ground and allow the third party—the arbitrator—to decide for them. It is our view that this amendment would increase reliance on the regulator and move us further from an industry-led solution.
Amendment 297E seeks to ask the regulator to provide more detailed information about the implementation of their decisions. This would include outlining transitional arrangements and compliance requirements, alongside outlining when orders can take effect. Again, I am sympathetic to the sentiments expressed by the noble Lord, as minimising adverse unintended impacts on business should be a top priority for the regulator when implementing a decision. The Bill requires distribution orders to include a summary of the questions for resolution, a copy of the final order, information detailing the reasons for those decisions and information on potential consequences of non-compliance. We would also expect the regulator to stay in constant communication with the leagues throughout the implementation process.
Amendment 297F would add to the ability of the leagues to appeal decisions made as part of the backstop process to the Competition Appeal Tribunal. Regulatory decisions made as part of the backstop process are already considered “reviewable decisions” open to appeal under the existing appeals process outlined in Part 9 of the Bill. Functionally, therefore, this amendment only makes more explicit a process that could already be triggered under existing clauses.
Finally, I turn to Amendment 297G, which would require the regulator to publish guidance on their decision-making and implementation processes and for them to keep this guidance under review for potential update in future. While we are not opposed in principle to the idea of regulatory guidance and the backstop, there is already provision in the Bill for guidance to be prepared by the regulator at their discretion and in consultation with such persons as they consider appropriate. In addition, the amendment would lock the appointment of a mediator behind the publishing of the guidance. In practical terms, this would significantly affect the timeliness of the process and open a window of opportunity for the process to be stalled by the leagues via extended consultation. We are keen for the leagues’ views on the process to be heard and taken into account by the regulator, but we are also conscious that football has already gone quite long enough without a suitable new arrangement. To reiterate, a timely, satisfactory agreement is in the public interest, as it is vital to the continued sustainability of the game. I repeat that I am always happy to engage with any noble Lords and other stakeholders on this point and to go through how the process might work, as I have already done with the Bill team. For the reasons I have outlined, I must reject the amendments from the noble Lord in this instance and ask him not to press them.
I am genuinely grateful to the Minister for her long, detailed and considered response. It gives me hope as I hope it gives hope to other noble Lords across the Committee. In going into the detail, the Minster registered how complex these issues are. This must be capable of being improved. Some of the doubts that exist on all sides of the Committee should be further considered to be sure that all these considerations are truly reflected at the next stage of the Bill when we come back to this matter, as we definitely will.
I am also very grateful for the broad support for this approach from right across the Committee, including from the noble Baroness, Lady Evans of Bowes Park, and the noble Lord, Lord Markham. I did not divine the 40% figure myself—as noble Lords know, there are a lot of data scientists operating in football. I am sure that it is highly arguable, but, intuitively, it rings true for me, not least because the Premier League has far greater resources than any other league, so it would be surprising if that did not result in it having by far the highest proportion of the world’s best players. If there is one key performance measure here about the appeal of British football, it is that we have the best players in the world playing in it. That is something we cannot forget. We cannot afford to reduce that percentage, whatever it is.
I am particularly grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Moynihan, who has made many excellent contributions to the Bill. Above all, I am very pleased that the noble Lord, Lord Addington, retains an open mind about the possibility of improving this important part of the Bill. I ask the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor of Bolton, and the noble Lord, Lord Bassam, to please read the amendment as written, because it is designed to avoid the very situation that they stood up to complain about. It is designed to bring mediation, collaboration and consideration, and, at the end of the day, binding arbitration. It has everybody in the room. It has not worked these last couple of years because the right people have not been in the room in the right circumstances. I want a resolution in the interest of the whole of football and I firmly believe that the approach set out in my amendment is far more likely to deliver it than the potentially divisive process in the Bill as it stands.