Renters’ Rights Bill
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Lord Marlesford (Con)
The points earlier expanded on the point about affordable rent. Is the Government’s policy still that affordable rent means that it should be no more than 30% of total household income? That immediately implies—it is a glimpse of the obvious—that for one tenant a property is affordable and for another tenant with fewer assets it is not affordable.
Secondly, where I support my noble friend’s entry into the argument is on this business of the fixing of rent by the tribunal. How long does that continue? Could that be spelled out clearly? Does it apply merely for the length of time that particular tenant is there? Would it be continued if there were to be a change of tenant and the next tenant said that was the rent the tribunal had set? If we are to have tribunal-set rents, we must be told exactly how they operate.
Finally, unless the Government can answer fully and confidently the points made by the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, this Bill will certainly fail in its objective.
Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, in the next group of amendments there are some excellent amendments in my name and those of others that seek to resolve some of the issues raised by the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, and many other Peers on this issue. However, in this group I have a rather more pedantic set of amendments to support. I am supporting Amendments 80, 82 and 83 in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Warwick of Undercliffe.
The Bill is, of course, concerned with the private rented sector and not social housing, where tenants’ rights are already far stronger. But housing associations, often now known as registered providers, are drawn in to some of the Bill’s measures because these bodies use assured tenancies. This means that some ingredients in the Bill do not work for them, in particular the requirement for rent increases just once a year, as the noble Baroness, Lady Warwick, has explained.
The common practice in the social housing sector is to raise the rents for all tenants on one specific date, usually in the first week of April. Many housing associations provide several thousand tenancies, and it is far more efficient to have one rent increase day for everyone annually.
The Government have accepted the need for different treatment for housing associations, and Clause 7 contains measures to handle the problem. But the National Housing Federation, which brings specialist knowledge to bear on the formulation of these amendments after discussion with lawyers, feels the position would be more clearly dealt with by the wording in Amendments 80, 82 and 83.
This is indeed a rather dull set of amendments, but they would make for clarity, administrative simplicity, cost savings and fairness, and I am pleased to support these amendments.
Lord Hardie (CB)
My Lords, I support Amendment 90 in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Jones of Moulsecoomb. The point made by the noble Baroness and by this amendment is not academic. Recently there was a newspaper report of a case in Scotland where an elderly, vulnerable tenant was persuaded by her landlord to apply for a grant for housing improvements. The grant was available only because of the vulnerability of the tenant. She lived through the upheaval of the work and when the improvements were completed she was then faced with a demand for increased rent.
There is considerable force in this amendment. Landlords should not deny the entire benefit of improvements funded by government grants, and I urge the Minister to accept this amendment or to come forward with a government amendment to a similar effect.
Baroness Janke (LD)
My Lords, as colleagues have already said, the Liberal Democrats have long campaigned to abolish no-fault evictions. We support the measures in this Bill, particularly the provisions by which tenants can challenge rent increases. We support amendments in this group that seek to establish a fairer basis for rent increases and would prevent excessive and unpredictable increases, the severe impact of which may cause eviction and homelessness. We also support the amendments in this group that will reduce the need for tribunals to hear challenges from tenants. We feel that there is a fundamental problem with the concept of market rents, which are currently calculated by looking at a range of advertisements. This does not provide an accurate assessment of the actual rents that people are paying.
One-third of private renters are already paying half or more of their income on rent, well above the commonly accepted affordability threshold of 30%. Measures to stabilise rents within tenancies are essential to ensure that the Bill delivers the secure, stable system it promises, as well as empowering tenants to challenge unfair rent increases that result in unwanted moves.
For many renters, though, a rent increase is as good as an eviction notice. Without an established index that outlines what a fair increase looks like, the First-tier Tribunal will remain effective in supporting renters.
Rent increases must not become the new no-fault eviction. Over 300,000 renters moved last year because of a rent increase they could not afford; that is more than 900 renters a day. Market rent is an artificially high indicator for judging what an appropriate rent should be. The database proposed in the Bill, once established, would be able to capture what rents are actually being paid. This could then establish benchmarking for an appropriate rent, rather than having the traditional understanding of market rent.
Amendment 77 in my name reflects Liberal Democrat policy, which would limit any in-tenancy increase in rent to a percentage of the Bank of England base rate. This is different from inflation and other indicators that are often used. Landlords do face increasing costs from time to time, but the increases they face and want to pass on to tenants are generally more likely to be related to the cost of interest on their borrowing. Therefore, that is the appropriate measure for landlords to look to and should be considered appropriate for a rental increase. It is also often much less than the much more volatile changes in the market rent that are related to inflation.
We would relate rent increases to much more realistic, modest and accurate reflection of what landlords’ expenses are and use the Bank of England base rate as an appropriate limit on the amount of rent increase and any in-tenancy rent increase. That is the rationale behind this amendment.
Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, I rise to speak to Amendment 79 and the related Amendments 84 and 85 in my name and the names of the noble Lord, Lord Young of Cookham, and the noble Baronesses, Lady Grender and Lady Thornhill. I believe these amendments would overcome an inherent defect in the Bill, both for renters and landlords, making this a rare opportunity for amendments with appeal across the piece.
The amendments seek to protect tenants from unpredictable and unaffordable in-tenancy rent increases, but they also have distinct benefits for landlords. Together, the amendments would establish a fair basis for in-tenancy rent increases for a fixed period. As with the earlier amendments in this group from the noble Lord, Lord Hacking, and the noble Baroness, Lady Janke, the amendment would restrict rent increases to an index of inflation: in this case, either the consumer price index or an earnings index. However, in these amendments, the indexation is limited to four years, countering the concern that rents will be controlled. After four years, a market rent—if necessary decided by the First-tier Tribunal—would be allowed.
These amendments address the central issue of renters’ security, which lies at the heart of the Bill. Tenants need to know that their rented property is their home and they cannot be forced to move out by a massive rent increase. As the Housing Minister in the other place, Matthew Pennycook, said at the Bill’s Report stage in the Commons:
“Once section 21 evictions are done away with, unscrupulous landlords will no doubt attempt to evict tenants who assert their rights by means of extortionate rent rises”.—[Official Report, 14/1/25; col. 259.]
The Renters’ Reform Coalition and Shelter have campaigned assiduously for in-tenancy rent increases not to become a means of eviction by price.
The Bill’s remedy is to place a requirement on tenants to take their case to the First-tier Tribunal to set a market rent that cannot be exceeded. I argue that this whole First-tier Tribunal arrangement is a highly unsatisfactory mechanism for settling on appropriate rent levels. For a start, the outcome of tribunal hearings is unpredictable and sometimes arbitrary. Deciding on a market rent is an art, not a science. Sometimes the tribunal has accepted a case made on the basis of the asking rents advertised on Rightmove and Zoopla. Sometimes, however, the tribunal has explicitly dismissed the use of these asking rents, since there is no knowing what relationship actual rents have to the initial asking rent. Moreover, it is common practice for in-tenancy rent increases to be at lower levels than the open market rents for new tenants because landlords sensibly wish to keep their existing tenants.
There are other drawbacks to the Bill’s use of the tribunal route to determine a reasonable rent increase. First, this mechanism depends upon the renter actually taking their in-tenancy rent increase to the tribunal. This can be a daunting requirement for the renter. As Generation Rent has pointed out, very few tenants have any knowledge of the FTT. Even where renters are fully cognisant of their legal rights, many will be reluctant to go down this road, as doing so is likely to mean falling out with the landlord and negatively affecting the relationship. Taking their case to the tribunal will often involve hassle and expense, particularly if they are to present their case in person. It may require travelling a considerable distance and taking time off work, and the process itself may be intimidating. The whole business is fraught with uncertainty and anxiety.
Secondly, assuming the process is followed, the market rent determined by the tribunal may still mean that the renter faces an alarming increase. A recent Zoopla report shows market rents for new lets are 27% higher—£270 per month—than three years ago, which is an increase well above earnings growth. Many commentators are suggesting that shortages may push market rents much higher in the years to come.
The noble Lord, Lord Marlesford, mentioned the guideline of an affordable rent being 30% of take-home pay, but this is only a guideline and not a requirement of any kind on landlords. Sadly, a lot of tenants are paying over 40% of income on rent as the Affordable Housing Commission, which I had the pleasure of chairing, has shown. At that level of income-to-rent ratio, there is always the danger of arrears, let alone hardship to the renter.
From the landlord’s perspective, I suggest that the proposed regime based on appeals to the First-tier Tribunal is highly unsatisfactory. Those representing landlords have argued that large numbers of tenants could be tempted, as we have heard today, to take proposed rent increases to the FTT in the knowledge that they, the renters, have nothing to lose. They cannot be asked to pay more than the level the landlord proposes and they might be successful in arguing that the rent should be less. In any case, the process would save them money by delaying any increase until after the tribunal hearing, as we have heard, which could be months ahead.
A number of your Lordships have made the point that the number of cases referred to the tribunal could clog up the system and delay any decision being taken, at an ongoing cost to the landlord. Another way of looking at this, among the many that have been suggested, is that even if 99% of tenants accepted their landlord’s proposed rent increase, that would leave 50,000 cases still going to appeal. There is no way the FTT could deal with these numbers.
This overwhelming of the system seems more likely if rumours are true that specialist firms are planning to offer a no-win no-fee service, paid for by sharing the rental savings, to handle cases at tribunal hearings on behalf of renters. So, for both landlord and tenant, the dependency on securing a decision from the First-tier Tribunal—theoretically every year for every tenancy—is fraught with danger and potentially undermines the whole Bill.
I know the Government are rightly worried that introducing any form of rent control would have a significant detrimental impact, as history and international comparisons suggest. These Amendments 79, 84 and 85 do not undermine the overriding market principle; instead, they introduce a mechanism that removes the hazards of appeals to the First-tier Tribunal and provides the certainty of indexation for in-tenancy rent increases. After four years of occupation, the rent can be reset at the market level, determined by appeal to the FTT if necessary. Since most renters move within a five-year period, the amendment would ensure that rents are predictable throughout the great majority of tenancies.
The amendment adopts the same rent stabilisation proposition and indexing of increases devised by the Renters’ Reform Coalition, but the amendment limits this inflation indexing to a four-year period. There may be exceptional circumstances in which indexing a rent, rather than going for a market rent, could cause hardship or financial difficulty for the landlord. A case might be where the landlord spends substantial sums on upgrading the property and needs compensation from higher rents, or has borrowed heavily—probably with a buy-to-let mortgage—and needs to increase rents by a bigger margin to satisfy the lender’s requirements, driven in part by the rules of the Prudential Regulation Authority. To cover these relatively rare cases, an additional amendment could place the obligation on the landlord to go to the tribunal, rather than the tenant, to seek a setting of a market rent, instead of applying the usual indexation.
Lord Wilson of Sedgefield (Lab)
Can I ask the noble Lord to bring his remarks to an end? He has spoken for well over 10 minutes.
Lord Best (CB)
They introduce an arrangement that all parties could accept as a distinct improvement on the Bill’s reliance on appeals to the tribunal.
Housing: New Homes Target
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Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
I thank the noble Baroness. The OBR’s economic and fiscal outlook forecast net additions to the UK housing stock to be 1.3 million, but we have to take alongside that the work that we have done since then on skills, the new homes accelerator and government funding for social and affordable housing. The trajectory of all that is very much in the right direction. We know there is more work to do; we are determined to do it; and we are very happy to stick with our ambitious target.
Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, I am sure that the Minister would agree that we need to end our dependency on the handful of volume housebuilders, who are never going to produce the quality, let alone the quantity, of homes that we need. Will the Government publish their plans for the new development corporations, not just for new towns but for all major developments, whereby the development corporation acquires the land, has a master plan, parcels it out to SMEs, housing associations and others, and takes back control of place-making?
Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
I know that the noble Lord is as passionate about development corporations as I am, and I look forward to seeing the outcome of the new towns programme. We have already had an interim report from the task force, and in February it published its update on progress in developing recommendations for a new generation of new towns, outlining the programme’s unique benefits, vision and aims, and publishing its emerging principles for what makes a great new town. In the summer, we expect a further, more detailed report from the task force. I look forward to seeing that, because I agree with the noble Lord that in master planning, making sure that infrastructure is in place and developing the homes that we need alongside the growth of the country, there could not be a more important challenge that we face.
Renters’ Rights Bill
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Lord Shipley (LD)
My Lords, along with the noble Lord, Lord Willetts, and the noble Baronesses, Lady Wolf and Lady Warwick, I have signed this amendment. I spoke about this issue at Second Reading.
The noble Lord, Lord Willetts, reminded us that there are three totally different rental regimes for students: purpose-built accommodation, including large blocks; the HMOs, which are larger properties in the private rented sector; and the smaller private rented sector accommodation. The noble Lord was absolutely right to say that the achievement of so many young people in going to university has been dependent on the availability of accommodation in the private rented sector. From my time in Newcastle upon Tyne, I know how fundamentally important the PRS was to the growth of the universities in the city. I think the Government accept that a special arrangement is needed for an academic-year contract, but that has to include those in one-bedroom or two-bedroom properties; they also need to be exempted as part of ground 4A, which currently restricts the exemption to houses in multiple occupation.
The Government have Amendment 202 in this group, and I am keen to hear what the Minister will say about that and to what extent she feels it will help us solve the problem. There is a danger that unscrupulous landlords will define properties as being for students when they are not, in order to bypass the impact of this Bill when enacted. I thought a lot about that and believe that the Government can mitigate that possibility. It might be done through the register; there may be ways of delivering a solution by that means. It occurred to me that it may be possible to use non-liability for paying council tax as the basis for a system for identifying those who would qualify for Ground 4A. It would require local authority co-operation and proactive management of the private rented sector, but it can be done—and it needs to be done because students are very important to the lifeblood of many cities and towns across the country. Having a vibrant private rented sector for them to use matters.
If the Government decide that the smaller private rented sector properties do not need additional help, the likelihood, given that students would be able to give two months’ notice under the revised terms of this Bill, is that landlords will decide to stop letting properties in the private rented sector to students, or to reduce their exposure to the student-letting market.
It is a complex area. I recall the Minister saying when she summed up at Second Reading that there are difficulties and issues that have to be considered. I hope that, once she has replied and we better understand the intention of Amendment 202, we can produce something much better when the Bill is on Report.
Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, I rise to move Amendment 266 in my name and that of the noble Lord, Lord Shipley. This is my first intervention in Committee, so I declare my interests: my wife owns privately rented property; I am a vice-president of the Local Government Association and of the Chartered Trading Standards Institute; I am currently chairing an inquiry into intergenerational housing, and I am on Business in the Community’s Blackpool housing advisory board.
My Amendment 266 in this group concerns student housing, but it is on a slightly different tack. While there are strong grounds against a general option of fixed-term tenancies, separate arrangements are justified for student accommodation, as indeed the Government acknowledge. My amendment is a modest tweak to the change already made by the Government to exclude student housing, except in smaller accommodation, from the prohibition on fixed-term tenancies. It would address a rather different issue. It would exempt certain purpose-built student accommodation from the private rented sector licensing schemes of local authorities, which enable councils to inspect and enforce standards for private rented property. This exemption for PBSA accommodation is justified because these schemes are already subject to high levels of scrutiny and compliance through government-approved codes of management. I am grateful to the British Property Federation for bringing this issue to my attention.
As the noble Lord, Lord Willetts, and many others have eloquently explained, purpose-built student accommodation is an important part of the rented market. It provides 724,000 beds throughout the UK, split between university owned and privately owned. There are nearly 200,000 more beds, mostly privately provided, in the pipeline. Without this sector, students would have to rely on, and would put more pressure on, the wider private rented sector, where satisfaction levels are rather lower. Lack of suitable accommodation is a major problem for students and for universities. Removing barriers to tackling the undersupply of student housing is also important in easing the strains on the rest of the private rented sector.
Local authority licensing can definitely help raise standards for the PRS, but its value does not extend to that part of the PBSA sector, which is already heavily regulated. The sector has government-recognised codes of practice under which members are inspected on a regular rolling programme, which covers the property’s condition, management and regulatory requirements. Because of the level of scrutiny required by these codes, a 2019 government-commissioned independent review found that licensing was not required for purpose-built student accommodation. It said:
“This accommodation, as a normal condition of operation mandated by the attached University, is required to implement a strict, Government recognised code of management practice … Such a code holds the accommodation to much higher standards of management and condition than any licence conditions could reasonably achieve. Properties are rigorously inspected on a regular basis (typically three times per year)”.
This MHCLG review concluded:
“Given that these properties are already highly regulated, and equivalent properties managed by Universities (to an almost identical code of practice) are exempt from licensing, licensing of such properties is manifestly redundant and extremely expensive for the operators”.
In relation to the expense for operators, local authorities can operate a licensing scheme charge on average of £700 per license, but they can charge up to £1,200, and since these fees are often charged per unit, not per scheme, not per building, a scheme of several hundred units—for example, studio flats—can incur costs in excess of hundreds of thousands of pounds. While some local authorities already offer exemptions or discounts for PBSA providers that adopt these codes of practice, this is not standard practice, and many local authorities do not offer any reduction in licensing charges. This is not really fair. PBSA was never a target for the licensing scheme, and the cost and time incurred by the licensing process does not add any benefit for students. Exemption from licensing would remove an unnecessary expense for providers, saving some of them hundreds of thousands of pounds and improving the viability of PBSA schemes.
Local Authorities: Temporary Accommodation Costs
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Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
I agree with the noble Lord, as I assume he will do with the Bill that we are bringing forward today, because it is similar to the Bill that his own party put forward. However, it is not right that renters should be subject to no-fault evictions at no notice or that they should not have access to the secure tenancies which we all know make for safe, secure families, communities and individuals. That is what the Renters’ Rights Bill will do. I am sure we will have plenty of debate on that in the next couple of weeks.
Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, does the Minister agree that the best and quickest way to reduce the cost to the taxpayer of temporary accommodation is to enable housing associations and councils to acquire and modernise those same properties and to stop paying exorbitant rents for rubbish property?
Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
The provision of affordable housing is vital, and that is why the Government have made a huge commitment to deliver the biggest increase in social and affordable housing, including in the social housing sector through housing associations. Since taking office, we have announced a number of changes in planning policy which will support the delivery of affordable homes, including the new “golden rules” for grey belt land release and two immediate one-year cash injections of £800 million to top up the existing affordable homes programme. That will deliver up to an extra 7,800 homes. I hope that will start to make a difference, but we have a long way to go.
Private Rented Sector: Affordable Rents
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Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
If I am honest with the noble Lord, I think the pressures on housing come from 14 years of not taking the housing market seriously. We have carefully assessed what the impact of the Renters’ Rights Bill might be, and we do not believe that it will have a significant impact on the supply of private rented housing in the market. Supply has been consistent for several years, and we want to maintain that and to make sure that the Renters’ Rights Bill delivers the right balance of support for both landlords and tenants. There are many really good landlords, and we want to give them the help and support they need through the Bill, as well as supporting our tenants.
Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, market rents in the private rented sector are often unaffordable for those on low incomes, which is why I greatly welcome the Government’s announcement this month of more funds for social housing. Roughly what proportion of the 1.5 million new homes the Government are planning for this parliamentary Session will be affordable to those on average incomes and below?
Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
That is a key question, and I am afraid it is not possible for me to give a specific answer because we have just set aside social housing in local plans. We will be asking local authorities to determine their local need for social housing.
Renters’ Rights Bill
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Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, I thank the Minister for her introduction and for many helpful meetings on the Bill. I look forward to the maiden speeches of the noble Lord, Lord Wilson, and the noble Baroness, Lady Brown. I declare my housing and property interests as on the register, including that I have family members who own rented property.
The Bill introduces much-needed reforms to the private rented sector—the PRS—which I greatly welcome. However, I want to address a big question that I know is in the minds of a number of your Lordships: however necessary the reforms to the PRS, will the Bill lead to large numbers of landlords exiting the market? If a lot of landlords decide this kind of investment is no longer for them, what will happen to the rental market?
A mass exodus of landlords seems very unlikely. Property remains an attractive long-term investment in uncertain times. However, analysis by the consultancy Savills shows that a gradual reduction in private rental properties has already been under way in London. Despite the arrival of the new providers of Build to Rent apartments, it seems entirely possible that the Bill will lead to more landlords selling up.
Keeping up with the new legislative requirements not only necessitates use of proper, professional lettings agents but will mean substantial investment for properties in need of modernisation. Meeting the decent homes standard comes alongside a forthcoming duty to upgrade properties to higher energy efficiency standards. Many landlords, particularly those who have borrowed heavily in the hope of making capital gains, simply lack the resources to comply with important new demands.
I conclude that the PRS will get smaller, but this is not necessarily a negative outcome. The private rented sector doubled in size in the early 2000s and, despite a tougher tax regime, there are still some 2.3 million private landlords. Meanwhile, the expansion of private renting has led the sector to take on a role for which it is not well equipped. With the steep decline in social housing—the council and housing association sector is now barely half its former size—the PRS’s expansion has had to fill the gap. Yet, private renting is seldom the best option for those needing low rents, good quality and long-term security. Nor does the enlarged PRS suit the taxpayer: the sector’s higher market rents have propelled more renters into housing benefit at escalating cost to the Exchequer. The PRS has found itself performing a role in place of councils and housing associations, which suits neither the tenants nor the public purse. The Bill could help achieve some rebalancing between the private sector and the social sector.
Of course, an expansion of provision by councils and housing associations through the building of new homes is an essential part of the Government’s plans for constructing 1.5 million homes during the course of this Parliament, but as well as a substantial new-build social housing programme, this seems an important moment to promote the purchase and modernisation of previously privately rented property to house those on lower incomes. If there are more sales of privately rented properties, and if strong enforcement of the Bill’s new measures deters purchase by less scrupulous landlords, then the opportunity—indeed, the necessity—to switch property to restock the much-diminished provision by social landlords will emerge.
Some local authorities are already active in bringing PRS rentals, including former right-to-buy private rentals, into the social housing sector, not least to provide temporary accommodation for homeless families. Buying privately rented property can achieve a speedy solution to urgent, immediate housing problems, while also being there in perpetuity as genuinely affordable, secure accommodation. This is where the housing associations of the 1960s and 1970s came in, buying and modernising the properties of Mr Rachman and his like.
It is important to note that, sometimes, owner-occupiers will step in and do up the property. No doubt some sales will transfer the homes to larger landlords, who can achieve some economies of scale and introduce professional management. However, high interest rates and the less favourable tax arrangements now in place may inhibit these buyers. For sure, local authorities will need to be on their guard to prevent property acquisitions by rogue landlords who do not intend to comply with the new environment introduced by the Bill.
How can transfers to social lettings be achieved when this legislation is enacted? I suggest that the Government look at an exemption from capital gains tax for the sales of properties from private landlords to social landlords. Such support would pay for itself in reducing the need for ever-rising housing benefit payments. Such an incentive could propel the rebalancing between sectors after so many years of decline for social housing. If the PRS were to continue to shrink by about 2% annually, the outcome could be positive, with both an additional 500,000 home owners and 500,000 more social tenancies.
In conclusion, I look forward to raising some specific issues in Committee, including the regulation of lettings agents, the constraints on switching long-term lets to short-term letting, the content of the new property register and the basis for in-tenancy rent increases. For now, I welcome the positive contribution that the Bill will make.
Homelessness
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Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
My noble friend is quite right. There is a short-term and very long-term effect on young people who get trapped in temporary accommodation. Councils must make sure that temporary accommodation is suitable for the needs of the household. Households can request a review of their accommodation if they feel it is unsuitable and it an applicant is not satisfied with how the council has handled their case. We have launched emergency accommodation reduction pilots, backed with £5 million, to work with the 20 local authorities that have the highest use of bed and breakfast accommodation for homeless families. Through the Renters’ Rights Bill, we will be applying the decent homes standard to the private rented sector; this includes a clause to bring temporary accommodation into the scope of the decent homes standard.
Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, the Minister may have seen the Sunday Times article by Martina Lees with the headline:
“Our grotty B&B bedroom costs taxpayers £2,383 a month”.
Can the Minister update us on the local authority housing fund, which enables the purchase of rundown properties for use on a temporary basis for temporary accommodation, which will save an enormous amount of money? In the long-term, with ownership by the council or a housing association, those properties can be used for years to come, providing vastly better value for money than the £283 a month for really grotty accommodation in the private sector.
Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
The noble Lord is correct to flag up that issue, and I thank him for his work on housing and homelessness. The funding that the Government have introduced—the £450 million third round of the local authority housing fund—will support local authorities to get better quality temporary accommodation for homeless families. The third round is expected to deliver over 2,000 homes by 2026; funding will then be provided over the next two years, and will include revenue funding to support councils to deliver that fund. We are putting our money where our mouth is, but trying to resolve a problem that has occurred over many years is taking a great deal of effort. We will continue to strive to make sure that we put an end to the chronic homelessness we have seen in this country. It is time that we made sure everyone has a decent home to live in.
Older People’s Housing Taskforce
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The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government (Lord Khan of Burnley) (Lab)
My Lords, the Government are thankful to the chair of the task force, Professor Julienne Meyer, and all its members for producing such a comprehensive, detailed and well-researched report. I recognise the importance of improving housing choices for older people, and I thank the noble Lord, Lord Best, for all he does on this issue. We are committed to taking action on older people’s housing and will consider this issue as we develop our long-term housing strategy.
Lord Best (CB)
I thank the Minister for that positive response, and I congratulate Professor Julienne Meyer and her task force on a really good report. Have the Minister and his Government paid particular attention to at least three of the key recommendations from this report, such as that 10% of all affordable housing should be for older people, that planners should require a percentage of all major developments to be for older people, and that stamp duty should be exempt where an older person is downsizing, rightsizing, making way for and releasing a home for a family elsewhere?
Lord Khan of Burnley (Lab)
My Lords, I recognise how important the right housing arrangements are in supporting people to live independently and well. The Government will set out details of new investment to succeed the 2021 to 2026 affordable homes programme at the spending review. The National Planning Policy Framework outlines that local authorities should assess the housing needs of different groups, including older people, and reflect this in their local plans. We have strengthened the National Planning Policy Framework to encourage the delivery of mixed-tenure development. For most of those looking to downsize, the stamp duty due on the new property will be small. Stamp duty is an important source of revenue to provide essential services, and the Government have no further plans for relief for those looking to downsize.
Homes: Existing Communities
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Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Wolfson of Aspley Guise, for his very stimulating speech and for initiating this debate. I want to pursue the question of who is going to deliver the quality and quantity of the homes we need, whether that is exactly 1.5 million over five years or any other target. Is it likely that the current system, which involves the vast majority of new homes being built by a handful of so-called volume housebuilders, will produce what is really needed, at the right quality, in the right locations, with the engagement of the surrounding communities?
The current system depends upon private developers bringing forward their own propositions for the market they believe to be most profitable. They will build out at the speed that suits them without having to reduce their prices. Moreover, having paid eye-watering sums for the land, as the noble Lord, Lord Wolfson, noted, developers frequently argue that they cannot achieve their yardstick profit of 20% unless they reduce the contributions they previously promised in cash or kind.
In the Letwin review of 2018, an alternative model was proposed, that of development corporations created by local authorities, but at arm’s length, which could acquire the land at a price that reflects the reality that obligations to the wider community are not negotiable. Quality place-making—the green spaces, the schools, doctors’ surgeries, sustainable drainage and the rest—would all be spelled out in a masterplan. Individual sites can be parcelled out to, yes, the major housebuilders, but also to the SME builders, housing associations, providers of student accommodation, older people’s housing and more. Then, instead of the development dragging on for decades, the build-out rate would be hugely accelerated by the mix of uses all being constructed at the same time. The previous Government’s Levelling-up and Regeneration Act 2023 paved the way for the creation of the development corporations that could act in this way, perhaps based on combined authorities and combined county authorities.
Use of compulsory purchase powers to buy sites where values cannot be agreed represents an integral part of the equation. Some have argued that this requires further legislation because, since the Land Compensation Act 1961, speculative “hope value”—the unfettered market price devoid of any obligations—can be used to justify a huge price tag. Others maintain that a valuation that fully reflects the public-good ingredients can now be used. Can the Minister shed any light on the current legal position in respect of CPO powers for land acquisition?
The opening up of grey-belt opportunities presents a special chance for private, but not for profit and publicly accountable, development corporations to step in and undertake high-quality development without the current dependency on the volume housebuilder. Will the Minister comment on the idea of support for the setting-up of new development corporations, perhaps through Homes England start-up grants? Let us take back control of housebuilding.
New Homes
Lord Best Excerpts(4 months, 3 weeks ago)
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Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
The noble Baroness is quite right about the stuck sites but, in spite of the very difficult Budget round this year, the Government have put £500 million more into affordable housing. That takes the total for affordable housing up to about £3 billion. Homes England is working through its programme of how it is going to support the delivery of those affordable homes. I am sure that support for registered providers will form part of that.
Lord Best (CB)
My Lords, does the Minister agree that it would be very unwise to rely on the oligopoly of volume housebuilders to produce all the homes that we need? Has the time come and are the Government now ready to promote the model of the development corporation? It is an arm’s-length body controlled by local authorities which buys the land. It then has a master plan and parcels out the sites—yes, to the volume housebuilders, but also to housing associations and those building for students and older people and the SME builders. Is not that model now really necessary rather than reliance on those major volume housebuilders?
Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
I am sure the noble Lord is aware of my great passion for development corporations and the way that they work. It is true that we are encouraging Homes England to break down the great big contracts it had been issuing more, so that there is more opportunity for smaller developers to take those on. As well as that, we recognise the very challenging conditions that SME housebuilders have faced to deliver homes in recent times. They are essential to our housebuilding targets, build out quickly, train the workforce and are embedded in local communities. We will announce further support for SMEs next year, but this breaking down of the great big development organisations is key to delivering the homes we need in the places that people want them.