Wellbeing of Future Generations Bill [HL]

Debate between Baroness Scott of Bybrook and Baroness Stroud

2nd reading
Friday 25th June 2021 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Stroud (Con) [V]]

My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Bird, for his tireless advocacy for the vulnerable, championing the potential of those whose voices are insufficiently heard. It is concerning that we should need this Bill at all. The well-being of future generations should be at the forefront of all our policy discussions, but sadly that is not always the case when we look at the deteriorating outcomes for our children. It certainly has not been the case during Covid. If we are to focus on the well-being of future generations, it is important to stop and think about what trajectory we are on. Are things already getting better, or are they deteriorating for the next generation?

We are currently witnessing an unprecedented decline in the well-being of our children, characterised by a rise in mental health problems. Despite being more connected than any previous generation through social media, more children are expressing feelings of loneliness and depression than ever before. Although the causes of these trends are not clear, we know that poor mental health in childhood can lead to poor performance at school, affecting academic outcomes. One in eight children has a diagnosable mental health disorder; that is roughly three children in every classroom. In 2017, suicide was the commonest cause of death in boys and girls aged between five and 19. Nearly half of 17 to 19 year-olds with a diagnosable mental health disorder have self-harmed or attempted suicide at some point, rising to 52.7% for young women.

Given these worrying trends, it is crucial that we start an honest conversation about whether our actions are impacting on the next generation. We must ask ourselves what has changed for children during this period of declining outcomes. One development that has occurred at the same time as this increase in mental health problems is the arrival of the internet and social media in young people’s lives. Young people are increasingly attached, often alone at home, to their smartphones or computers. We must look at the impact that social media has on a young person’s self-esteem, the damaging material that many young people may be exposed to, and the impact that increased discussion and awareness of mental health issues may have on normalising mental health issues in a young person’s mind.

We must also explore the changing nature of the family and its effect on young people. The current generation of children and adolescents experiences higher levels of family breakdown or lack of family formation than any previous generation. It is also, arguably, showing signs of the least resilience, needing safe spaces at university and unable to cope with disagreement. The OECD average divorce rate increased by more than 50% between 1970 and 2012. These are issues that we really must look at. We must examine whether there is a causal link between these metrics and the mental health statistics that we see in the UK.

Add to that the changing work practices and use of early years childcare, and more of this generation have experienced both parents working and being placed in formal childcare at an early age, the effects of which are still relatively unknown and unresearched. Parents and doctors, being so busy, are thought to be increasingly reaching for medical solutions to challenging childhood behaviour. We need to explore whether this supposition stands up and, if so, what impact this early medicalisation has in the long run on children’s mental health. Could these early behavioural problems be the early warning signs of future mental health problems that require time, care, play and communication—

[Baroness Scott of Bybrook (Con)]

May I remind my noble friend of the three-minute advisory speaking time.

National Marriage Week

Debate between Baroness Scott of Bybrook and Baroness Stroud

Tuesday 20th April 2021 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Scott of Bybrook (Con)]

My Lords, in both primary and secondary schools, we are increasing the amount of relationship education we provide. At the end of primary, we expect that pupils are taught that marriage represents a formal and legally recognised commitment of two people to each other that is intended to be lifelong. At secondary schools, we build on the teaching about that important relationship and the opportunity that marriage provides.

[Baroness Stroud (Con) [V]]

My Lords, family breakdown is not simply an inevitable consequence of modern society. On average, in OECD countries, around 84% of children under 15 still live with both parents. In Finland, 95% of children under 15 still live with both parents, whereas in the UK, as few as two-thirds do. Given that the evidence is clear that family breakdown sits in the backdrop to so many broken lives, entrenching individuals in intergenerational cycles of poverty and instability, what steps are the Government taking to support marriage and, specifically, the couple relationship at the heart of the family, rather than just childcare policies and support for family breakdown—the approach to family policy that is so often taken?

[Baroness Scott of Bybrook (Con)]

My noble friend is absolutely right. However, the Government are committed to reducing conflict between parents, whether they are together or separated, to help them manage their differences; conflict can be damaging to children and impair parenting skills. Sometimes, separation can be the best option for a couple, but even then, continued co-operation and communication between parents promotes better outcomes for children. DWP’s Reducing Parental Conflict programme is encouraging councils across the country to integrate services and approaches that address parental conflict into their local provision for families.

Covid-19: One Year Report

Debate between Baroness Scott of Bybrook and Baroness Stroud

Thursday 25th March 2021 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Stroud (Con) [V]]

My Lords, this moment in time is deeply significant and goes far beyond the immediate legislation we are debating today. Many of the actions taken by the Government and the provisions in this Coronavirus Act are welcome. The financial support for the furlough scheme, the protections against no-fault evictions during the pandemic and the rapid mobilisation of medical professionals, to name but a few, have actively protected vulnerable people. But this debate also marks one year since the Government first used the Public Health (Control of Disease) Act 1984 to enforce the first official lockdown and stay-at-home orders. As we gather here today, a year later, still living under those same restrictions, this moment acts as a milestone, a moment in time to pause and reflect on the approach we have taken.

The Government have found themselves at the helm during a rapidly evolving pandemic, bearing the responsibility of co-ordinating the nation’s response, requiring agility and dynamism to adapt to its spread, and I thank them for all their hard work and dedication. This pandemic was unprecedented in Britain’s recent history; we did not have the model of best practice in place to adopt and we knew little of this disease. My concern is not so much that we have needed to take action to find a way through this difficult time but over some of the tools that we have used to achieve the goal of public co-operation, and that the approach we have adopted over the last year could become the precedent for how we will respond to similar health crises in the future.

Rather than rely on the values that we know to be true, which define the success and prosperity of this great nation, of personal responsibility and trust, keeping calm and respect, we rather chose to follow the path of a more authoritarian regime, legislating for restrictions on our liberties and an unrelenting campaign of fear to engender compliance. At many points where we could have appealed to the British people to work with us and make responsible decisions on the basis of a health response, we chose a legislative response, and at many moments when we could have asked for responsible decision-making we drove behaviour change with fear. We are still doing it now.

When at the start of the pandemic SAGE’s SPI group on behaviours recommended the Government deliberately use psychological operations techniques to change behaviour, the use of the media and advertising was advised to “increase sense of personal threat”. SAGE thought this would be highly effective, although it warned there “could be negative” spill-over effects. Leading charities such as MIND were quick to warn the Government of the mental health pandemic that would ensue if they continued to pursue such a course of action. Experts have warned that

“the use of fear to control behaviour is dangerous and unethical, especially when combined with curbs of freedom of speech”.

There was even Ofcom guidance which cautioned its licensees against broadcasting

“statements that seek to question or undermine the advice of public health bodies on the Coronavirus, or otherwise undermine people’s trust in the advice of mainstream sources of information about the disease”,

which led to an absence of discussion and a daily broadcast diet of terrifying stories to achieve public compliance. But the public is all too aware of when there is a real threat, and they take the steps that are necessary to change their behaviour. You can see this from the mobility data, which changes as the numbers of hospitalisations and deaths gradually mount.

However, how we go through a crisis is as important as getting to the other side of a crisis. The best way to protect the public from harm is to allow scientists, experts, journalists and others to vigorously challenge the Government and public authorities, without the threat of broadcasters being sanctioned by the state regulator if those views happen not to accord with the current government position. The public are sensible.

The torrent of fear with which we have hosed the British people has been devastating for mental health, but I am most concerned about our children. The statistics here are heartbreaking. Google searches for “panic attack” in the UK have reached record highs. The NHS’s own data suggests that lockdown has led to a 50% rise in children with mental health problems—the Times reports that there has been a surge in tics and Tourette’s amongst teenage girls. Domestic violence against children has doubled, and has surged among adults.

This strategy of fear and legislative control cannot continue. Fear damages the nation’s health, and legislative control is making rule-breakers of us all. You have only to go for a walk in the park on a Sunday afternoon to see that. We must respect the British people and empower our citizens, not terrify them. As the vaccine continues its remarkably successful trajectory, we need to transition from a legislative response to a public health response as quickly as possible based on the principles of honesty and personal responsibility. If we do not do this quickly, we will find that we have eroded the bonds of trust and responsiveness.

[Baroness Scott of Bybrook (Con)]

My Lords, there is a five-minute time limit.