Counter-Terrorism and Security Bill

Debate between Baroness Lister of Burtersett and Baroness Smith of Basildon

Monday 26th January 2015 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Lister of Burtersett (Lab)]

My Lords, I apologise that I was not here at the beginning of the noble and learned Lord’s remarks. I support the amendment and the remarks made by my noble friend Lady Kennedy of The Shaws. I have a question for the Minister. Members of the Joint Committee on Human Rights, of which I am one, with heavy heart agreed that we had to agree with the independent reviewer, but we said:

“We look to the Government to be proactive in bringing forward ideas about how to mitigate the alienation and resentment likely to be caused in some minority communities”,

by relocation. I would be very grateful if the Minister could give the Committee some idea of what ideas might be brought forward by the Government.

[Baroness Smith of Basildon (Lab)]

My Lords, it is always with some trepidation that I rise to speak in a debate where I am the only non-lawyer to contribute, so I was particularly grateful to hear my noble friend speak, so I am not the only non-lawyer contributing to this debate. All noble Lords have made the point that relocation with a TPIM should be an exceptional provision. That has been the case. We were very disappointed when the Government removed the relocation part of TPIMs and the old control orders. Nobody likes the idea. As the independent reviewer said, this is something that has to be done in the interests of public safety. My understanding is that they are used only rarely. If my information is correct, currently only one person is subject to a TPIM provision.

Not being a lawyer, I have a couple of questions for the noble and learned Lord, Lord Brown. I think one of the reasons why the Government have made changes here is because they consider that substituting,

“is satisfied, on the balance of probabilities”,

for “reasonably believes” is a higher legal test. The noble and learned Lord, Lord Brown, said that is not the case. I am not a lawyer, so I leave it lawyers to have that debate, but it would be helpful to have some clarity about whether that is in law a higher legal test than “reasonably believes”. The noble Lord, Lord Carlile, said that in effect this is already happening and is how the courts see their role at present. If that is the case, it would be helpful to have some facts on that.

My other point was alluded to by the noble Baroness, Lady Hamwee. It is about individuals subject to the relocation part of a TPIM having no connection. My understanding is that part of the reason would, in some circumstances, be that the person would have no connection with the area they were going to to ensure that they were not associating with people they had engaged with in the past who had led them into terrorism-related activities or potential terrorism-related activities. That is not an easy thing for anybody, and nobody welcomes somebody being moved to an area where they have no connection, but if we were to rule that out in all circumstances, that might be quite difficult. I would be interested to know a bit more about this. I think there is widespread support for a very high test that should be used only in exceptional circumstances, but I am interested in the Minister’s comment and welcome further clarification from the noble and learned Lord, Lord Brown.

Immigration Bill

Debate between Baroness Lister of Burtersett and Baroness Smith of Basildon

Monday 17th March 2014 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Lister of Burtersett]

My Lords, I am pleased to support these amendments. I think that I have already said more than enough about Clause 60, but I could not help but notice that no one spoke in support of it other than the Minister, and so I see these amendments as a kind of absolute bottom line. If we are going to be saddled with Clause 60, I hope that the Government will see fit to accept these procedural process amendments as a kind of minimal response to the grave concerns that have been expressed across the Committee.

[Baroness Smith of Basildon]

My Lords, my comments are equally brief. I have added my name to one of the amendments, and I think that the idea of an independent reviewer and a sunset clause are reasonable and worth further consideration by the Government. Like our amendment, they would provide greater oversight, which I would have thought all parties would welcome. Perhaps I may add one point. It may be possible that an existing independent reviewer could fulfil the role, and I think that we would all be willing to discuss how that could best be achieved.

Immigration Bill

Debate between Baroness Lister of Burtersett and Baroness Smith of Basildon

Monday 3rd March 2014 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Lister of Burtersett]

My Lords, as a member of the Joint Committee on Human Rights, I speak in particular to Amendment 27. At Second Reading, the Minister included in his list of myths surrounding the Bill that it undermines access to justice. The Joint Committee therefore looked again at this question. As the Minister may be aware, we published a second scrutiny report today. We write:

“We have considered carefully the Government’s argument that the right of effective access to a court or tribunal in immigration and asylum cases will be preserved by a combination of the continued availability of full appeals in cases concerning fundamental rights, the new system of administrative review, and the availability of judicial review, and its argument that the practical effectiveness of judicial review will not be affected by the proposed reforms to legal aid and judicial review itself. We do not share the Government’s confidence”.

We go on to say:

“We have already reported our concerns about the implications of the proposed residence test on effective access to justice. We have also inquired into the Government’s proposed reforms to judicial review and we will be reporting our conclusions in due course. For present purposes it is sufficient to say that, while we accept that it is a perfectly legitimate objective for the Government to seek to reduce the risk of unmeritorious claims being brought, we do have serious concerns about the effect of some of the Government’s proposed judicial review reforms on the practical ability to bring meritorious challenges to decisions, including in the immigration and asylum context … We also draw to Parliament’s attention the paradoxical fact that after years of seeking to reduce the number of immigration and asylum judicial review cases that have been causing backlogs in the High Court, including by transferring such cases from the High Court’s jurisdiction to the Upper Tribunal, the Government is now seeking to justify a significant reduction in appeal rights by reference to the continued availability of judicial review … In light of our concerns, we recommend that the removal of appeal rights for which the Bill provides should not be brought into force until Parliament is satisfied that the quality of first instance decision-making has improved sufficiently to remove the risk that meritorious appeals will be prevented from being brought”.

In other words, we express the spirit of Amendment 27.

Going beyond that, and speaking in a personal capacity, I also support my noble friends in their opposition to the question that Clause 11 should stand part of the Bill.

[Baroness Smith of Basildon]

My Lords, I speak to our Amendments 27 to 29, and to the question that the clause stand part of the Bill. We have heard examples from the noble Lord, Lord Hannay, and my noble friend Lady Lister of why we consider this clause one of the most controversial in the Bill.

The Government have made it clear that the clause reduces the number of immigration decisions that can be appealed from the current 17 to just four. Only three types of decision will remain appealable: a decision to refuse a claim of asylum or humanitarian protection; a decision to refuse a human rights claim; or a decision to revoke asylum or humanitarian protection. A decision by the Home Office to refuse an application which does not involve one of these claims but is made, for example, on erroneous grounds or without reference to highly relevant information could not be challenged before a tribunal. Instead, the Government’s plans are that an administrative review system be set up to, according the Government’s fact sheet on the clause,

“provide a proportionate and less costly mechanism for resolving case working errors”.

We can all sign up to a process that gives timely, accurate decisions with a swift process to address any errors. However, taken in context, that is not what this clause does. We have therefore tabled a number of amendments, and have given notice of our opposition to the clause standing part of the Bill. Often, clause stand part debates are used as a kind of probing amendment, a technical way of ensuring discussion on the principle of the clause or an attempt to tease out the detail and address questions. We will be doing that with this clause. However, I also say to your Lordships’ Committee that removing the clause entirely would be our preference given the current position. Failing that, our Amendment 27 would ensure that appeal rights could not be abolished until the quality of Home Office decision-making for managed migration is deemed by the Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration and the Secretary of State to be efficient, effective and fair. That would require that the provision be introduced by order subject to affirmative procedure; that is also the position of the Joint Committee on Human Rights.

We have also tabled Amendments 28 and 29 to introduce two new clauses. Amendment 28 would require the Secretary of State to undertake an impact assessment before being able to commence the clause. The issue of students, as raised by the noble Lord, Lord Hannay, would be relevant to Amendment 28. Amendment 29 would require the Secretary of State to undertake a review of the number of people successfully deported within a calendar year of a decision under Clauses 11 to 14.

We have tabled those amendments because of deep concerns about the clause. Our country has one of the most highly respected judicial systems in the world, and the right to appeal is a fundamental principle of British law. There can be few decisions more important, or which have a greater impact on an individual or community, than who is able to live here. These are decisions of life and livelihood which affect families, communities and, potentially, businesses and employers.

The noble Lord, Lord Hannay, has highlighted the situation with students. Other noble Lords are concerned about the position of families and children. However, we are looking at the wider concerns and principles raised by the Bill. The evidence, and the impact on businesses and the economy, make it very important that we get these decisions right. It is right that such a decision should be challengeable and that recourse should be available.