China: Human Rights and Security

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Thursday 19th December 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, I am delighted to follow the noble Lord, Lord Blencathra. I too thank my noble friend Lord Alton for never letting up on China. All of us are very grateful, and this being the last debate of this year is very fitting.

This House is becoming louder in its warnings about the threat that the People’s Republic of China poses to the UK’s security and economy. The actual and perceived threats help to shape UK foreign policy with regard to China, yet many commentators argue that the UK, despite some welcome announcements from the Government, still does not have a viable political strategy on China and therefore remains vulnerable to events as they occur. As so many have said, what is urgently needed is a clear statement of red lines with regard to PRC suppression of minorities and a policy incorporating concerns about and action on cyber and other attacks, and the aggressive threatening of international shipping lanes and trading relations in the event of severe tariffs imposed by the USA.

The question of Chinese technology and its inroads into the UK has been very ably covered by the noble Lord, Lord Fox, but I would like to underline that the PRC, as we know, is intent on achieving a world monopoly of electronic communications technology. As we have heard, cellular modules of the “internet of things” are crucial to almost all aspects of infrastructure, such as logistics, power grids, water supplies or the ability to paralyse financial payment systems.

Chinese companies currently own about 70% of the world market in cellular modules, as we have heard. Other countries struggle to compete with subsidised Chinese manufacture, which has a protected domestic market and seeks to gain a monopoly by means of supply of parts, favourable regulation, financing at competitive rates, access to key materials and products such as semiconductors at below cost. And let us not forget that the PRC is ever vigilant in taking over potentially failing companies around the world. The consequences of anything approaching a monopoly of PRC-supplied parts, and the access to data that this would facilitate, are severe, and would for example bring the UK defence forces to a standstill.

My predominant interest remains the democratic independence of Taiwan, a country of great strategic importance to China and expressly targeted by President Xi as ripe for integration with the mainland of China. This intention has been repeated too often to be ignored. Although expert opinion doubts that there is an imminent possibility of invasion, the so-called “grey attacks” are increasing in number and severity. Frequent military exercises are intended to disrupt and intimidate the Taiwanese, as are efforts to undermine Taiwan’s economy and democratic institutions.

Taiwan, as we all know, is the world’s largest producer of superior semiconductors. Despite competition from China and the USA to build semiconductor facilities, the technological skills and environment required are considerable and unlikely to surpass Taiwanese production rates. Although this is a great strength for Taiwan, it is also a liability, making integration with China all the more desirable for the PRC. Any interruption to the supply of raw materials, clean water or labour would have an immediate effect on production and compromise the global market for consumer electronics, currently valued at $1 trillion. The top 20 clients of the semiconductor manufacturing companies are worth in excess of $7 trillion.

Why does Taiwan’s continued existence as a separate entity matter? Apart from the democratic view that freedom is preferable to repression, the possibility of a China-controlled region encompassing international shipping lanes is ominous. China is intent not only on returning to an imperial grandness but on surpassing the USA as the world’s dominant political and economic force. The ability to control world shipping trade would represent a major step towards its grand plan.

The Government have committed to a thorough audit of PRC efforts to destabilise UK defence and security, which is eagerly awaited. Meanwhile, several suggestions for further protection have been put forward by China experts. These include ensuring that the FCDO maintains Mandarin-speaking specialists on China, and establishing a China-focused expert committee, preferably at Cabinet level, with a range of Ministers, particularly in the technological field, to monitor relations with the PRC. Such a committee would assess the national security risks offered by imported technology; arrive at a clear definition of national security for all government departments; set out priorities for defending critical national infrastructure; build up lists of trusted suppliers of electronic modules and chips, and other electronic manufacturers; and identify opportunities to work with international partners and allies to counter Chinese imperialism.

I suggest that our thinking and actions on China should not be dictated by the PRC. With the PRC’s largest military build-up since the end of the Second World War, deepening relations with Russia and increasing incursions into Taiwan and surrounding territories, it is clear that China is laying the ground for future domination beyond the south and south-east Asian regions. We ignore this at our peril.

Taipei Representative Office in the United Kingdom

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Monday 25th November 2024 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Baroness D'Souza]

To ask His Majesty’s Government whether they plan to review the status of the Taipei Representative Office in the United Kingdom.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Baroness Chapman of Darlington) (Lab)]

My Lords, the UK’s long-standing position on Taiwan has not changed. The UK does not have diplomatic relations with Taiwan but does have a strong unofficial relationship based on deep and growing ties in a range of areas, underpinned by shared democratic values. The Taipei Representative Office works in the UK in the absence of those diplomatic relations. The UK does not have plans to review the status of the TRO but continues to work constructively with it in pursuit of our shared interests and within the parameters of our long-standing position.

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

I thank the Minister for her Answer, and I acknowledge that this is a difficult area. However, the London Taipei office is not invited to or included in any diplomatic events; does not receive protection from the police protection unit; is not exempt from council tax or business rates; cannot open a bank account with any British bank; and cannot secure meetings with Ministers or FCDO officials beyond director level, among many other restrictions. I wonder whether the Minister will say whether she feels that this is adequate support for a thriving but threatened democracy.

[Baroness Chapman of Darlington (Lab)]

My Lords, whenever I am asked about my feelings on these issues, I know that it is probably wise to choose my words incredibly carefully. To reiterate: the Government do not have any plans to change the current long-standing position, but we have deep ties with Taiwan through various means, as do our Parliaments. Much as I hear and understand the noble Baroness’s concerns about the current situation, at present the Government do not plan to change it.

Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and International Committee of the Red Cross (Status) Bill [HL]

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

3rd reading
Tuesday 8th October 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Chapman of Darlington (Lab)]

With trepidation, I ask whether now is the moment for a speech. I believe it is.

As I said during Second Reading in July, this is an important Bill which provides two significant organisations with a long-awaited change in their legal status. I again pay tribute to noble Lords across all sides of the House, including the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, for his continued support and dedication in seeing this Bill through. The Bill has received unwavering support in both this parliamentary Session and the last, demonstrated by the fact that no amendments were tabled ahead of Committee in September. This is a true testament to the value that all noble Lords place on the aims of this Bill.

It is critical that both the CPA and the ICRC are given the correct status in UK legislation so that they can conduct their work and deliver their objectives while operating in the UK. This will guarantee that the CPA remains headquartered in the UK, and that the UK is able to give the ICRC the guarantee that the information it shares with the UK Government is secure and protected.

The UK is deeply committed to the Commonwealth and believes that the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting which commences in Samoa later this month will be an important opportunity to mobilise action on shared interests, including upholding Commonwealth values—values which are embodied by the CPA’s important work in strengthening inclusive and accountable democracy across the Commonwealth. The UK’s long-standing programme partnership with the CPA is testament to the organisation’s value. Treating the CPA as an international organisation will allow it to continue to operate fully across the Commonwealth and international fora, and to participate fully in areas where it is currently restricted, including signing up to international statements and communiques.

The ICRC is an essential partner for achieving the UK’s global humanitarian objectives. It has a unique mandate from states to uphold the Geneva conventions and works globally to promote international humanitarian law. It has a unique legitimacy to engage all parties to conflicts, and has unparalleled access to vulnerable groups in conflict situations. The ICRC is frequently the only international agency operating at scale in many conflicts. It is therefore critical to enable it to operate in the UK in accordance with its international mandate, maintaining its strict adherence to the principles of neutrality, impartiality and independence, and its working method of confidentiality.

Officials will work closely with the CPA and the ICRC to agree written arrangements, setting out the parameters of the status change as well as the privileges and immunities which the Government have decided to confer on both organisations. These arrangements will then be implemented by secondary legislation. Privileges and immunities will be based on functional need, and other facilities and the relevant exemptions and limitations will be specified in the Order in Council. Once again I assure noble Lords that any Order in Council made under Clauses 1 and 2 will be subject to the draft affirmative parliamentary procedure. This means that both Houses will get the opportunity to debate and approve them.

I thank all noble Lords for their continued support and useful contributions throughout the passage of this Bill. Like many others, I look forward to seeing it progress in the other place, where I am sure it will receive the same unanimous support. Finally, I pay tribute to the FCDO policy officials and lawyers, whose efforts in both this parliamentary Session and under the previous Government have contributed to making the Bill happen. I also extend my gratitude to the drafters in the Office of the Parliamentary Counsel for preparing the Bill.

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, I add my thanks to the Government for their speedy and decisive actions, without which the Bill may have lingered for a little too long. The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting is coming up shortly, and it will be a great pleasure for those involved to announce the acceptance of the Bill. Had it not been accepted, there would have been some rather serious threats to the position of both the ICRC and the CPA within the UK. So my thanks are due.

Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and International Committee of the Red Cross (Status) Bill [HL]

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

2nd reading
Monday 29th July 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, I too welcome the noble Baroness to her ministerial post and look forward to working with her.

This Bill has been very thoroughly washed, first in the other place, where it received an unopposed Second Reading due to the sterling efforts of many people, including the right honourable Maria Miller and Ian Liddell-Grainger—both no longer Members of the other place—the secretary-general of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, Stephen Twigg; the senior staff of the ICRC and many more, over many years, as the noble Baroness, Lady Anelay, has said.

The Bill was also unopposed and supported in this House before it fell due to Prorogation. I had thought that there would be a bit of a tussle to ensure that it got through the ballot of Private Members’ Bills, but, as a generous and hugely welcome gesture, the Government have made it their own business—we are all truly grateful.

As many will remember, and as has been said already, the Bill essentially grants international status to both the CPA and the ICRC, enabling both bodies to benefit from the immunities and privileges of all other international bodies. These include, as we have already heard, the power, by Order in Council, to confer legal capacities of a body corporate on the CPA and ICRC; to grant the organisations, their information and staff certain privileges and immunities commensurate with their functional needs; to provide that references to international organisations in general legislation include, from now on, references to the CPA and ICRC; and to allow for certain confidential information that the ICRC shares with the UK Government to be exempted from legal disclosure requirements.

At the Bill’s Second Reading in this House before Dissolution, some useful suggestions—and indeed amendments passed in the other place— were put forward as to the bespoke enabling powers. As I understand it, these will be incorporated, where relevant, into separate written agreements that each organisation will agree with the Government.

There has been some urgency to the Bill and its unnecessarily long journey. The CPA governing body at two previous annual conferences determined that, should international status not be reached, there would be, as we have heard, serious efforts to move the headquarters to a member state that would be more sympathetic to the immunities and privileges already outlined. These privileges and immunities are—as we have learned, but which I wish to emphasise—absolutely crucial for the ICRC if it is to continue its UK operations in accordance with its international mandate. Speedy passing of this small and uncontroversial Bill will be a win-win. I look forward to seeing it on the statute book.

Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and International Committee of the Red Cross (Status) Bill

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

2nd reading
Friday 17th May 2024 Lords Chamber

Moved by

[Baroness D'Souza]

That the Bill be now read a second time.

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, before moving to the substance of the Bill, I will say how much I welcome, with a heavy heart, the valedictory speech of the noble Earl, Lord Sandwich, who has been a stalwart on the Cross Benches for many decades. We hope very much that he will continue to talk and write on those subjects in which he has long experience and great expertise. I look forward to that, but, as I say, with a heavy heart.

This is a short and, I trust, uncontroversial cross-party Bill which has come to this Chamber having passed Second Reading unanimously in the other place. In brief, the Bill seeks to alter the legal status of two international organisations: the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, in respect of which I declare an interest as a member of the executive committee; and the International Committee of the Red Cross. Both organisations have their own unique constitutional arrangements, reflecting their specific mandates, which now need to be updated.

The Bill will enable the Government to treat the CPA and the ICRC in a way comparable to other international organisations—for example, the Inter-Parliamentary Union in Swiss law and the Assemblée parlementaire de la Francophonie in French law. Prior to the Bill, this was not possible because neither organisation fell within the scope of existing powers under the International Organisations Act 1968, as neither organisation is an inter-governmental body.

At present, the CPA operates as a UK-registered charity regulated by UK charitable law. It is sometimes perceived as a UK institution, rather than an international one. The organisation builds support for parliamentary democracy by recognising, with a non-partisan approach, the national and sub-national contexts of its members. The organisation, reflecting the wider Commonwealth, with 108 member Parliaments, wishes to have the freedom to undertake wider activities in promoting democracy and protecting the values and principles set out in the Commonwealth charter. In so doing, the CPA secretariat would be able to enjoy privileges and immunities, as set out in Part 2 of the Schedule, similar to those of the Commonwealth Foundation, Commonwealth of Learning and any number of other international organisations.

The ICRC operates in accordance with its international mandate of strict adherence to principles of neutrality, impartiality and independence, as well as its working method of confidentiality. This necessary confidentiality extends to court testimony and is accepted by the UK informally. However, UK law, unlike that in other countries in which the ICRC operates, does not provide statutory protection for this fundamental working practice, most especially in conflict zones. The Bill is therefore crucial in enabling ICRC life-saving humanitarian activities, in conformity with its fundamental principles.

This paving Bill, having six clauses and one schedule, creates the power, by means of an Order in Council, to confer the legal capacity of a body corporate on the CPA and the ICRC. Clauses 1 and 2 specify the secretary-general of the CPA and named officers of the ICRC who may be accorded privileges and immunities. These privileges and immunities do not extend to those other than the secretary-general of the CPA and do not affect branches. In the case of the ICRC, the Bill allows for certain confidential information that the ICRC shares with the UK Government to be exempted from legal disclosure requirements, whether in civil UK court proceedings or in tribunals. It grants both organisations certain privileges and immunities commensurate with each of its functional needs, and it provides that references to international organisations in general legislation henceforth include the CPA and the ICRC.

The Bill will allow bespoke enabling powers, by means of secondary legislation, for the CPA and the ICRC to operate as international bodies in the UK, with the attendant privileges and immunities. The powers specific to each organisation will be subject to the monarch’s approval and draft affirmative parliamentary procedure, which requires the approval of both Houses of Parliament.

The exact privileges and immunities for both organisations, their property, information and personnel, set out in Parts 1 and 2 of the Schedule, will be drawn up by the Government according to the functional needs of both organisations and will be detailed in separate written arrangements. Those arrangements will be agreed with both the relevant organisations through prior consultation. These privileges and immunities would normally refer to immunity from such things as legal process, inviolability of archives and premises, and exemptions from tax and duty, as set out in Article 23 of the 1961 convention articles.

There are clear reasons why this status should be conferred on both the CPA and the ICRC. The CPA’s current legal status has been a contentious topic of discussion for many years within the CPA, and many previous attempts to remedy it have led to frustration and even threatened the CPA’s stability due to possible fragmentation. Several member countries have said that membership fees might be withheld if action such as that set out in this Bill was not forthcoming. Given that the CPA is almost 90% dependent on membership fees for its operations, this would be a serious blow. The CPA governing body agreed at the CPA’s annual conferences of 2022 and 2023 that should a new legal status fail to be achieved, the headquarters should be relocated to a member state that would provide the organisation with such legal recognition and the related privileges and immunities. Given that the overwhelming majority of other Commonwealth organisations are headquartered in the UK, this would affect the UK’s involvement, in part due to its regular links with the number of Commonwealth diplomatic missions based in London.

The new legal status would strengthen the influence of the CPA and provide for a more authoritative international presence. For example, at a time when the international order, parliamentary democracy and human rights generally face serious challenge, a new status will encourage members to work together on a level playing field and occupy equal standing in international forums. Above all, gaining international status would enable other parliamentary strengthening partners to see the CPA as a credible, and possibly even preferred, partner for those legislatures involved in capacity building.

The ICRC’s unique international humanitarian mandate and mission have been recognised by more than 110 states, which have accorded it international organisation status. This Bill would ensure that equivalent treatment was given to the ICRC within the UK legal system. The relevant privileges and immunities granted are crucial if the ICRC is to continue its UK operations in accordance with its international mandate.

I very much hope that this paving Bill will have an uncomplicated passage in your Lordships’ House. There will be an opportunity later in its passage to thank all those who have long worked to bring it to this advanced stage and, with luck, on to the statute book. Meanwhile, I beg to move.

--- Later in debate ---

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, I warmly thank the Minister for his words and his support for this Bill, as with so many other issues. He should know how grateful we all are both that he has enabled this Bill to come to the fore—again, as with many other issues—and that this is likely to become law shortly.

I thank the noble Earl, Lord Sandwich—or Johnnie, as I know him—for his typically sincere and moving argument. Let me say once again how greatly we will miss him, but we all hope that we will stay in touch.

Dame Maria Miller has received many accolades during the course of this debate, and rightly so. I am sure that there are many more to come in the later stages of this Bill, but I want here to acknowledge her absolute determination to get the Bill through the other place, thereby allowing it to come here.

I warmly thank all contributors for their unqualified support. It gives me hope that this Bill will shortly become law. I also thank my noble friend Lord Verdirame for his words. I completely appreciate the cautions that he presented on privileges and immunities. Much as I have been a critic in the past, and continue to be a critic, of the overuse of secondary legislation, I believe that it is appropriate in this case. Of course, I reiterate that, as the Minister said, it will be subject to affirmative procedures and will be drawn up with consultation of the relevant people in the two organisations. I do like very much his idea that the privileges and immunities will be scrutinised by the International Agreements Committee. That is all I have to say. I beg to move.

Bill read a second time and committed to a Committee of the Whole House.

Afghan Refugees

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Wednesday 17th April 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, we have made sizeable progress with those people who are eligible, and we have had changes in Pakistan. As I said to the noble Lord, Lord Collins, we have worked across the different Governments to ensure that those who have a legitimate claim to travel to the United Kingdom and seek protection here are facilitated. On the ACRS scheme, which the noble Lord and others were seized with, we are seeing some really good progress. I get weekly updates on the progress made under those schemes, and we work very closely with the UNHCR and the IOM. As far as the United Kingdom’s standing in world goes in support of these international agencies, we remain a very strong supporter and indeed funder of the vital work they do.

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, I wonder if the noble Lord has any further information from the IOM or other sources about the refugees who are being deported by the Pakistan authorities? Are they, for instance, predominantly Shia? Are those who are being deported being sent back to their home ethnic areas? Are there any unaccompanied children among them that the Government know of?

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, we have certainly made the case to Pakistan consistently about the importance of ensuring that those who are most vulnerable are protected. I know that in the region of 130,000 children have been returned. I do not have the breakdown, but I can see what information we have and share it with the noble Baroness.

Genocide (Prevention and Response) Bill [HL]

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

2nd reading
Friday 22nd March 2024 Lords Chamber

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, as we have heard, having ratified the UN convention against genocide, the UK has a treaty obligation to prevent genocide wherever and whenever it is threatened. However, too often this does not happen. It is worth while examining the reasons why and seeking answers.

As it stands, this admirable Bill has only a faint chance of being adopted by the Government. Here, I pay tribute to the noble Baroness, Lady Kennedy, for her unceasing efforts to uphold human rights. The Bill asks for considerable resources, and touches on economic and diplomatic interests of states parties to the convention. It puts forward some clear and doable mechanisms to detect, acknowledge and act upon the early indicators of genocide which are, by now, well researched; it is cost effective, certainly in terms of saving human lives.

It is, to say the least, disingenuous to believe that Governments are unaware of the potential for genocide or the early warning signs. Going back to the Rwanda massacres in April 1994 and Srebrenica in July 1995, there were clear indications. For example, in the case of Rwanda, the widely popular Mille Collines radio station virtually spelt out its genocidal plans in lightly coded messages, including references to the Hutus as “cockroaches”. Furthermore, genocidal tribal attacks had occurred with depressing regularity in that region of Africa. In Srebrenica, the rounding up of 750,000 Muslim men and boys and the sudden departure of the UN forces made massacres inevitable, but events leading up to this terrible development were obvious.

The UK, like many other countries, has been deeply reluctant to act. It is said that the US officials in Rwanda were ordered not to use the term “genocide”, precisely because to do so immediately implied the obligation to act. The UK Government have consistently referred any threat of genocide to the courts to determine the application of the genocide convention. More than anything else, Governments are fearful of stepping out alone, or being seen as stepping out alone, in the absence of strong support from allies and member states.

Perhaps the way forward might include the setting up of, or greater co-ordination between, existing early warning mechanisms and units across Europe and North America. The specific task of these networked systems would be to both monitor signs and issue timely alerts to all participating member states, with a view to concerted action. Difficult as it might be to get countries to agree on such vital actions, a scheme such as this might reduce the paralysing reluctance to declare the risk of genocide and to act according to the obligations of the treaty.

The mechanisms and the tasks of a proposed genocide monitoring team set out in the Bill provide an excellent blueprint for other similar units. The UK human rights community, which has steadfastly pursued the prevention of genocide around the world, is well placed to encourage such an international network and achieve its ultimate aim.

India: Democratic Freedoms

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Thursday 14th March 2024 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Baroness D'Souza]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of reported threats to democratic freedoms in India.

[The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon) (Con)]

My Lords, the United Kingdom Government are absolutely committed to standing up for democracy and defending human rights around the world. We have a broad and deep partnership with the Government of India. We discuss all elements of our relationship, including concerns where we have them. I visited India in February and had constructive discussions with government representatives on a wide range of issues.

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, I thank the Minister for his Answer. The BJP policy of Hindu nationalism is increasingly invading press freedom, political opposition and the civil society space. For example, the use of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, sedition law, the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, all hint at an electoral autocracy in the world’s largest nominal democracy. There appears to be a departure from India’s secular constitution and its underlying democratic principles. Does the Minister not believe these to be dangerous precedents?

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, one area I am very focused on is the importance of the constitutional protections that we have, as well as those that we see abroad. India is a country that provides constitutional protections to communities. I understand the concerns the noble Baroness alludes to. I assure her in every respect that, on every one of the legislative instruments she has mentioned, we have made our views known to India and we will continue to do so. India is a country which is multi-party and elections are coming forward. It is for the people of India to decide on their Government, but it is a country which celebrates a wide diversity of religions as well.

Gender Equality

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Wednesday 24th January 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Benyon (Con)]

The noble Lord is absolutely right and there are some stark statistics here. But the advantage from the global perspective is that every £1 spent on contraceptive services beyond the current level would save £3 on the cost of maternal, newborn and abortion care by reducing unintended pregnancies. Over 800 women or girls die every day due to pregnancy or childbirth complications and at least 200 million women and girls alive today, living in 31 countries, have undergone female genital mutilation. These are stark statistics and underpin the determination to address this area in our bilateral aid.

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

My Lords, the reality is that in many areas, the Taliban’s policies are deeply antithetical to women. However, there are also persistent efforts on the part of Afghans themselves, with support from external NGOs, to evade some of the most extreme policies. I know that the Minister is sympathetic to the plight of Afghan women and girls, but can he confirm both political and financial support for the cluster education schemes that are now spreading rapidly in Afghanistan?

[Lord Benyon (Con)]

The noble Baroness raises an area of human courage that is almost impossible to imagine—people are defying the repulsive acts of this regime by providing education in sometimes very dangerous situations. We will look at anything that helps those groups of people. Of course, she understands the difficulties we face: we cannot take action other than multilaterally and through UN resolutions, but if we can find a way of supporting those groups, we certainly will.

Taiwan: Elections

Baroness D'Souza Excerpts

Thursday 18th January 2024 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Baroness D’Souza]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the implications of the outcome of both the presidential and legislative elections recently held in Taiwan.

[The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon) (Con)]

My Lords, the elections on 13 January are a testament to Taiwan’s vibrant democracy. My noble friend the Foreign Secretary issued a statement following the result congratulating Dr Lai on his victory and calling for both sides of the Taiwan Strait to renew efforts to resolve differences peacefully through constructive dialogue, without the threat to use force or coercion. The UK, of course, has a clear interest in peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.

[Baroness D'Souza (CB)]

I thank the Minister for his response. The PRC warned Taiwan that voting the wrong way might lead to war, and threatened force. Nevertheless, reunification remains central to President Xi’s China dream. It is reported that President Biden is about to send a high-level delegation in support of Dr Lai’s victory in Taiwan, and the success of this election will allow Taiwan to continue its commitment to human rights and democratic values. But what further support will the UK Government provide for Taiwan’s global integration, including membership of international organisations, as well as protecting safe passage of commercial shipping through the strait, and the semiconductor industry?

[Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Con)]

My Lords, the noble Baroness rightly raises important issues of trade. The United Kingdom has a thriving trade relationship with Taiwan, worth about £8 billion, and I assure her that we are focused on key sectors such as trade, education and culture. I have already addressed the issue of stability and security, and it will continue to be stressed in our representations to China directly. Peace in the strait is important in the global world as it stands today.