(3 weeks, 6 days ago)
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I agree with the hon. Lady that every parliamentarian could understand the situation in the family courts better. The law is often used and misused by perpetrators to further the suffering of their victims.
I draw Members’ attention to the recent work of the Home Affairs Committee on rape investigations, prosecutions and non-contact sexual offences, which highlights the need to ensure that victims feel confident in reporting offences knowing that they will be supported and taken seriously. Likewise, the London Victims’ Commissioner’s recent stalking review makes a number of stark findings on both victims’ experiences and the response that they receive. Its evidence of the disastrous consequences of the confusion and lack of awareness among police and prosecutors is also profound. For example, police continue to treat incidents as single events, meaning that stalking goes unrecognised and patterns of behaviour are not properly understood.
Ending impunity by holding perpetrators accountable and establishing zero-tolerance of violence against women and girls is imperative. That requires providing support and consideration at every stage of the criminal justice system, yet not only do the law and court systems let us down, they can even be used by our abusers. I will not say much more about that today as last Thursday there was an opportunity to address my and other women’s experiences of lawfare in that regard. However, just as the impact of violence against women and girls is vast and far-reaching, so must be the solution. A whole-system approach is therefore vital.
On Second Reading of the Employment Rights Bill, I said that domestic abuse can have an impact on an individual’s working life: unexplained absences, lateness and a negative impact on performance. For about one in 10 survivors, abuse continues in the workplace, often because their partner is turning up there, is stalking them outside it or is an employee there. The statutory guidance in the Domestic Abuse Act 2021 reminds us how pivotal the role of an employer can be by providing, for example, flexible working or paid leave. It is undisputedly the case that being a member of a trade union is the best way for workers to ensure their rights, and that is certainly the case for survivors.
The cost of living crisis is especially dangerous for those faced with a choice that is no choice, really: remaining in an unsafe environment or facing destitution or homelessness. Lower incomes, rising poverty and soaring rents mean that people feel trapped in a relationship even when they need to leave. Safe and affordable housing, including social homes, for women and girls who are escaping is an urgent necessity, and protection from eviction for survivors is absolutely essential. In fact, domestic abuse is by its very nature a housing issue, with perpetrators often creating a context of fear and curtailed freedom, usually within or in association with the home. There is a reason that my ex-husband and his supporters are still so focused on my living arrangements and regularly try to use the media in that regard all these years after the vexatious case pursued against me about my housing arrangements.
It is no coincidence that the current crisis of violence against women and girls comes after 14 years of attacks on social security. Women are more vulnerable to poverty because they are more likely to have lower incomes and wealth and to have caring responsibilities. That leaves them more reliant on social security and public services and means that they are impacted more severely when public services and social security are cut. Disabled women are twice as likely to experience abuse, which is why it is crucial that disabled people receive the support that they need.
The Women’s Budget Group has argued that economic violence has disregarded the needs of women, reduced the already inadequate services that they rely on and deprioritised their safety and wellbeing. Oxfam’s publication “The Assault of Austerity” argued that the most common austerity measures have been shown to precipitate both direct and indirect forms of violence against women and girls. There is no doubt that the funding crisis for domestic abuse services and other support continues to be catastrophic. Women are dying every day while support services continue to be cut. Refuges, community-based services and specialist support on a broad range of needs are critical, and the funding of such services can literally be the difference between life and death, hope and despair, and imprisonment and empowerment.
It is a matter of urgency that the no recourse to public funds rule is scrapped and that there is an end to the hostile environment. The current political climate has created a toxic, dangerous atmosphere for migrant women. Immigration status and the fear of deportation are used as control tactics by perpetrators. That is why there needs to be a firewall between all public services and the Home Office so that every survivor can report abuse and perpetrators cannot evade justice by weaponising immigration status in order to silence, abuse and control. Migrant women, including those who are pregnant, are being detained in immigration detention centres as I speak, despite centres such as Yarl’s Wood being the subject of considerable political and media attention due to the high-profile allegations of sexual abuse and mistreatment over the years.
Globally, violence against women and girls continues to be exacerbated by conflicts. In Haiti, women face gang violence, including pervasive sexual violence, and the reports of mass rapes in Sudan are horrific. In Gaza, women and girls are being bombarded, killed and starved, so tackling violence against them must include a ceasefire and an end to all UK arms being sent to Israel or anywhere else where they are used to kill women.
It is important to understand that violence against women and girls can affect individuals from all backgrounds, but sadly society does not treat all survivors equally. The power and control that abusers wield to perpetrate abuse can interact with a range of experiences of oppression, and systemic discrimination can make it harder for individuals to seek help.
I thank the hon. Member for securing this important debate. Following White Ribbon Day, and during Islamophobia Awareness Month, we must address the unique challenges faced by Muslim women, who often experience a triple whammy of gender-based violence, Islamophobia and discrimination. Those intersecting issues can prevent women from seeking help. Will she join me in stressing to the Government that services should be equipped to address those barriers and challenge the harmful stereotypes that perpetuate violence and discrimination?
I completely agree, and I greatly value my hon. Friend’s raising that issue during Islamophobia Awareness Month.
Fears of discrimination or bias, such as racism, homophobia or transphobia, are exacerbated by incidents in which people have been denied assistance and access to services. Black and Asian survivors are more likely to mistrust the police. Although black and Asian people are over-policed for certain crimes, domestic abuse tends to be under-policed in minority communities because of so-called cultural sensitivity. When speaking out about my experiences, I have been particularly anxious not to perpetuate tired racist tropes about Muslims. We need to be clear that that does nothing to empower women. Rather, racism is a driver and facilitator of abuse, causing the voices and lives of ethnic minority women to be overlooked and devalued. It is fundamental that any violence against women and girls strategy is actively anti-racist.
It is impossible to cover all the types of violence against women and girls in the time that I have today. Nevertheless, I have tried to set out examples to illustrate that violence against women and girls is not a side issue or separate; at its core, it is about inequality and the type of world we live in. It is intrinsically connected to structural discrimination, exploitation and the intersection of different oppressions. As such, it requires joined-up thinking and bold and brave initiatives.
As hon. Members are aware, this week began with the UN’s 16 days of activism against gender-based violence. I want to take a moment to draw out the term “activism”, because the history of challenging violence against women and girls has always had pioneering activism and the fight for social change at its heart. The movement has been driven by the bravery of so many who have spoken out and organised, despite the challenges they faced. It is that that keeps me going. Because of those activists and survivors from around the world, I will never, ever allow my voice to be silenced. Human rights are fundamental. Ultimately, tackling violence against women and girls is about the hope of a future in which everyone is able to live freely in dignity, with joy and pride.