Infrastructure (Financial Assistance) Bill
(12 years, 1 month ago)
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Lord Newby
My Lords, I am delighted to be able to open the proceedings on the Infrastructure (Financial Assistance) Bill. The purpose of the Bill is to help accelerate significant investment in major infrastructure projects and it will increase the number of homes being built and occupied.
Before I set out the main features of this legislation in more detail, I briefly remind your Lordships’ House of the Government’s commitment to delivering a sustainable, private sector-led recovery. This will be possible only by maintaining our credible fiscal stance and so keeping interest rates low. We want to see a recovery that is balanced across industrial sectors and across geographic regions. To achieve this ambition—
Earl Attlee
My Lords, long experience in this House tells me that the best way of handling these events is to allow my noble friend the Minister to lay out his stall and then noble Lords can ask questions at the appropriate point.
Lord Newby
I hope that my speech will answer the noble Lord’s question adequately.
Firms will have access to the communications and transport networks that they need, wherever in the UK they happen to be, enabling Britain to compete on the world stage.
Our national infrastructure plan published last November sets out an ambitious but credible roadmap to deliver on that vision—a pipeline of upcoming investment worth £257 billion in crucial large-scale projects, of which more than two-thirds will typically be financed and delivered by the private sector.
A number of key infrastructure projects close to starting construction are being delayed because of the difficulties they face in securing the finance and investment required, and the housing market continues to suffer from an undersupply of homes to meet the UK’s demographic needs. Even under favourable credit conditions, raising the amount of private finance required to deliver these projects and to meet our overall infrastructure investment goals would be a challenge. However, the disruption caused by the instability of international financial markets and the adverse effect that this is having on long-term debt provision have not abated. Proactive, decisive action by the Government is therefore needed now. The Bill will allow us to take that action and will bring forward the investment needed.
The principal aim of the Bill is to make investment in major infrastructure and housing schemes possible. The Government have agreed in principle, subject to strict approvals criteria, to make financial support available to infrastructure projects using the strength and credibility of our balance sheet to support the investment that we need.
Through this Bill, guarantees provided by the Government will help to ensure that where projects are struggling to access private finance due to adverse credit conditions, these projects can now go ahead. It authorises the Treasury and, where appropriate, other Secretaries of State to incur expenditure necessary for providing financial assistance.
The Bill will allow the Government to support crucial investment in key areas of economic and public service infrastructure: utilities, such as energy and telecommunications; transport, such as railways and roads; infrastructure to provide public services, such as hospitals and schools; and housing development to deliver much-needed homes.
The Treasury estimates that up to £40 billion of investment in infrastructure and an additional £10 billion in housing investment could be accelerated under the guarantee schemes using the powers in the Bill. Importantly, we will put in place strict guidelines and eligibility criteria for the schemes to protect the taxpayer and ensure that the Exchequer does not take on unacceptable fiscal risks.
Any proposal that receives a guarantee from Infrastructure UK will as a minimum have satisfied the following requirements. It must be nationally and/or economically significant; financially credible; good value for money for the taxpayer; not solely dependent on a guarantee to proceed; and ready to start construction within 12 months. Any proposal that receives a housing guarantee from the Department for Communities and Local Government will, as a minimum, need to deliver an agreed number of new homes; undergo an investment appraisal and full due diligence and be subject to ongoing monitoring requirements; meet a risk capital contribution at the outset; and provide recourse to the secured housing assets.
Since the projects that we expect to back will be structured to minimise the potential losses to the Exchequer, there will be minimal impact on public sector net borrowing as a result. The exception is under the extreme circumstances that a guarantee is called upon or other forms of financial assistance are provided, but we expect such circumstances to be rare. Furthermore, the Government will levy a commercial charge. This will cover the services received by infrastructure providers and beneficiaries of the private rented sector housing guarantee. It will ensure that companies pay a fair price for the benefits that they receive, and that taxpayers receive a fair price for any risk being taken. It will also ensure that schemes do not fall foul of EU state aid rules.
The Bill raises a number of questions. The first and most fundamental is: will it work? Is there any evidence that the guarantee being offered will really facilitate the speeding up of infrastructure projects? There is already substantial evidence that it will. Infrastructure UK has received some 60 enquiries from projects that might qualify, and more are expected. There is also strong interest across the housing sector. Negotiations on these projects are ongoing so it would be inappropriate at this point to run down a list but, as an example of the kind of thing that is likely to benefit, we have indicated that the Crossrail rolling stock and depot services procurement meets the eligibility criteria.
A number of people have asked why the Bill is necessary at all. Can the Government not already do this kind of thing without explicit legislative cover? The Treasury and Secretaries of State already have common-law powers to make guarantees, make loans and give other financial assistance. In addition, some Secretaries of State have express statutory powers to support infrastructure. However, the Treasury does not have the authority to incur expenditure in relation to guarantees on the scale that I have outlined. Moreover, there is a longstanding convention—
Lord Peston
The noble Lord was kind enough when I asked him why we needed a Bill to point me to an answer given in the other place, which I have to tell him I found completely incomprehensible. I am still stuck. Will he say in terms that we need a Bill because of the scale of the operations? Is he willing to place on record that that is the point and it is the size of the operations which requires legislation? I find that very odd but at least I would like to hear him say it.
Lord Newby
It is partly the scale of the operations and the length of the guarantees, and also because the current rules have gaps in them, as I understand them, or there are certain parts of the whole infrastructure world, as it were, that are not covered by the existing rules. To finish my sentence, there is a longstanding convention known as “Baldwin cover”, dating back to 1932, that Governments should not rest significant and regular expenditure under common-law powers on the sole authority of general supply legislation. That is the noble Lord’s point. It is significant and regular guarantees, not expenditure, that could have a very long period of operation.
Questions have also been raised about what kinds of project can potentially be covered by this legislation. In particular, the Institution of Civil Engineers has asked about what constitutes a nationally significant project—a phrase that does not appear in the Bill but did appear in last year’s national infrastructure plan. I should make it clear that projects that could potentially benefit from this Bill are not limited to the nationally significant projects identified in the national infrastructure plan. In addition to the areas covered by the plan, we will be prepared, for example, to look at waste management and university projects that are economically viable and simply want for finance. As to the scale of project that can potentially benefit, again there is considerable flexibility. A project does not necessarily have to be valued at several hundred millions of pounds to be considered.
The Bill is one part of the Government’s overall approach to ensuring that the United Kingdom invests in the infrastructure that it needs for the future. I look forward to our debate today and I commend the Bill to the House. I beg to move.
Lord Adonis
I am very grateful to the Deputy Chief Whip for explaining the Bill and I am delighted to be debating with the noble Lord for whom I have the highest regard. I am also very glad that Paul Deighton is to become Minister for Infrastructure. It was specifically to shadow him and his vitally important work that I have returned to the Front Bench and I much look forward to engaging with him. I understand that Paul Deighton will not be joining the Government until January so this is an unusual, if not unprecedented, case of the shadow materialising three months before the substance, which sort of sums up the Government’s infrastructure problem: all shadow, no substance.
If I can continue the metaphor, this Bill is one of the most shadowy I have ever seen. Its four clauses simply give the Government power to spend up to £50 billion on infrastructure in very broad areas—water, electricity, gas, telecoms, sewerage, railways, roads, health, education, courts, prisons and housing—with little indication in the Bill or in the debates in the House of Commons beyond a single announcement about Crossrail trains of what real infrastructure projects it is intended to assist and when.
The Minister did not enlighten us much further, saying that,
“it would be inappropriate … to run down a list”,
which is a phrase redolent of Sir Humphrey at his very best. Our consideration of this Bill is a mere shadow since it is a money Bill which we cannot amend or even debate amendments to. However, before this phantom passes into law, I should like to set out some issues for debate and would be grateful for the Minister’s response.
In 2009, expenditure on infrastructure was at the highest real-terms level for about two decades. Three years later, the Construction Products Association is warning that infrastructure is in free fall. It is expected to decline by 13% this year compared to last. The CPA is projecting even bigger falls in key sectors—for example, a 40% drop in road construction this year—not least because of the coalition’s wholesale cancellation of road schemes in 2010. Will the Minister confirm these figures and tell us whether, in retrospect, it was wise to cancel essential schemes of national importance such as the dualling of the A14 east-west route from Felixstowe port to the Midlands and the dualling of the A21, a key route from London to the Kent and Sussex coast?
In the case of the A14, this project has now resurfaced as a proposed toll road. My officials told me that tolling of the A14 was unworkable when I was Secretary of State, but the coalition clearly has a higher source of wisdom. So, could the Minister tell me, first, whether the Government are considering a state financial guarantee for the privately financed A14 project, as it will surely need one; secondly, what tolling scheme is proposed, because I can find no reference anywhere to a scheme that appears even vaguely workable; and thirdly, when the tolled and dualled A14 will be open? If the work had gone ahead as a conventional road scheme in 2010, the opening would be taking place in stages from now. The only reference that I can find on the web is to a tolled scheme that will open from 2018.
Equally concerning is the delay and prevarication over energy policy, which is holding up investment in new infrastructure, including the £210 million Siemens investment in a wind turbine factory in Hull and huge investment in new wind farms and renewable energy. There are big delays, too, in rolling out superfast broadband and 4G. When I was on the Norfolk coast earlier this month, visiting Statoil’s new Sheringham Shoal offshore wind farm, a particular concern was the lack of fast broadband and the poor quality of mobile phone reception. Britain’s lack of 4G mobile phone provision is pushing us behind the United States, Germany, Sweden and parts of Asia. As for broadband, the Country Land and Business Association recently described the superfast broadband situation as lamentable saying:
“It is becoming clear that the Government’s strategy will not meet the target date of 2015”.
The shadowy case for this Bill is that it will help unlock the capacity of the private sector to invest in infrastructure, but it is important to understand that a critical obstacle to infrastructure investment is the Government’s own failure to lead and deliver.
I mentioned road schemes a moment ago. It is the same story with airport capacity in the south-east, where the Prime Minister has just appointed a review which is going to take three years. It is now three-and-a-half years since the previous Government announced their decision on airport capacity in the south-east. In the House of Commons, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury said that any decision on airport capacity would be taken by the next Government. In other words, this Government have given up. If I may say so, that is one of the most brazen abdications of responsibility that I have ever heard from a Government.
It is the same story on HS2—another project that I know intimately—where dither and delay since 2010 have put the project back by at least two years and may again delay the key decisions until the next Government. It is a similar story too in London, where one of Mayor Johnson’s first cuts in 2008 cancelled the desperately needed Thames Gateway Bridge which would have provided another Thames crossing in east London, for which both planning and funding were already secured. Instead, all we have is a new cable car offering a tiny fraction of that capacity and—you could not make this up—the beginning of a planning process which might ultimately lead to a new bridge not far from the one which was cancelled for short-term political reasons. It is the same story now with the extension of the Northern Line to Battersea, a key development area. In June, a Treasury source told the Evening Standard:
“The entire weight of the Government is being thrown behind the extension of the Northern Line”.
Now, Transport for London can only say:
“Subject to funding being in place and permission from the Secretary of State for Transport, the new stations could be open by 2019”.
So much for transport, energy and broadband. Let us look at education. One of the Government’s first acts in 2010 was to slash to ribbons the school building programme. If that had not happened, hundreds of schools would be being built or refurbished as we speak, pumping billions into the construction industry and providing modern school premises which will now have to be built at far greater expense hereafter. It is the same story too with housing. The number of housebuilding starts fell by almost a quarter between March last year and March this year, with starts by housing associations, in the quasi-public sector, down by a similar proportion.
I have always taken it as a golden rule that the state should not preach to the private sector until it has got its own act together. Well, let us be clear: we are now confronting a situation where the state itself has slashed or delayed infrastructure spending across the board, and failed to agree planning decisions for key privately funded infrastructure projects, while deploring delays in the private sector. That is not leadership, but complacency masquerading as concern.
It is not just on investment that the state is failing to lead. The Government talk constantly about reducing planning delays, something which is within the power of the state to determine. Yet I note that last year only 60% of major planning applications were processed within the target date of 13 weeks, a big reduction on the 68% determined within 13 weeks in 2010.
Turning to the national infrastructure plan, which the noble Lord said was “ambitious but credible”, I note that in the latest reissue, 63 projects have disappeared without explanation from the 2011 plan—I assume that they were ambitious but not credible. Of the 357 projects in both the original plan and the updated version published this April, almost two-thirds were in pre-procurement stages. Only 38 had proceeded to procurement or construction. More than 300 projects in the national infrastructure plan therefore are still mere shadows, and 63 have vanished into thin air. Honing down to the most important projects, the British Chamber of Commerce identified 13 critical infrastructure projects before the last election. There has been little or no progress on eight of those 13.
Will the Bill help with any of this? It entirely depends what the proposed assistance is going to be used for. The Bill simply says that the Government may provide any kind of financial assistance up to the absolute limit of £50 billion. The only further limitation suggested by Ministers is that projects should be of “national significance”, a definition which looks to be in the eye of the beholder. Will the Minister give us just a few examples, beyond Crossrail trains, of projects which will now go ahead through the proposed guarantees to the private sector, as the CBI has said that we need urgent action from Ministers to identify further projects?
Will the Minister also give us an indication of when the first project financed under this guarantee scheme will actually go ahead? When the Crossrail trains announcement was made, the Financial Times said:
“The government appears to have relaxed one of its key criteria for guarantees—neither the super sewer”—
another possible project for this scheme, funding for which is apparently stuck in the Treasury—
“nor the Crossrail rolling stock schemes will be ‘shovel ready’ within 12 months”.
Will the Minister tell us about the relationship between the Bill and the Growth and Infrastructure Bill, which was published last week? The Bill was supposedly going to unlock a string of major infrastructure projects. Now, before it is even enacted, another appears whose Explanatory Notes state that its purpose is,
“promoting growth and facilitating provision of infrastructure”.
There are to be yet more changes to the planning system intended—and have we not heard this before?—
“to enable applicants to avoid delays in local decision-making”,
while respecting localism. The next Bill also includes changes to the infrastructure financing regime, which overlaps directly with this Bill: for example, removing so-called unviable Section 106 agreements for affordable housing.
The CLG blurb accompanying the Growth and Infrastructure Bill states that those further changes could:
“Unlock investment decisions across a range of technologies, bringing thousands of new jobs and billions of pounds of investment”.
Those are almost precisely the same words used to justify the present Bill and a host of other initiatives over the past two years, each of which has been succeeded by another intended to achieve precisely the same objectives before it has even been enacted, let alone implemented. They are also the justification for the regional growth fund, only a tiny fraction of whose allocated funds have yet been released to businesses, as catalogued in the highly critical report from the Public Accounts Committee.
I have asked a lot of questions, and I entirely understand if the Minister writes to me about those to which he cannot get answers by the time he replies. I fully recognise that it may take longer than two hours —perhaps two years or even two centuries—to come up with a viable scheme for tolling the existing A14.
Let me end on a broader note. When the Bill was debated in the Commons, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury said that it would,
“facilitate headline schemes for infrastructure and housing investment, accelerate and bring forward investment in major UK infrastructure projects and increase the number of homes being built and occupied”.—[Official Report, Commons, 15/10/12; col 121.]
Those are fine words, but what we need now is action. At the moment, we are simply chasing shadows.
Baroness Gardner of Parkes
My Lords, I am glad that infrastructure is defined in Clause 1(2), as it is a word that has such a wide meaning and without it I would not feel entitled to speak on the Bill, because I do not have expertise on the financial aspects of it. Guarantees are of such importance and relevance at present, when we need jobs to be created. I believe that the guarantees under the Bill will enable works presently delayed to be carried out so that they will be of benefit both to the nation and to individuals. My comments will be directed towards subsection (2)(e), housing, which will also automatically involve subsections (2)(a), because of the linkage of services, and (2)(b), roads and transport.
For a good many years, until I reached their retiring age, I was a vice president of the National House Building Council. I hold it in high regard and it provides an excellent service for small builders and individuals. When I had to rebuild my own home in the 1980s—sadly, it had split asunder due to subsidence—I valued the security provided by its guarantee, which I believe covered the first 10 years after construction.
Later, I learnt of the wide support that it gives to the home building industry and I know that it plays a very necessary part in the provision of homes which are again so badly needed. Awards were given annually to various categories, such as small builder of the year, rather like a mini-Oscar ceremony. I hope that the NHBC will, among others, encourage builders to produce commonhold developments. It is time that we got rid of the antiquated leasehold system for residential property, which exists only in England and Hawaii, I believe.
In the Housing Reform Act 2002, we introduced commonhold, but it has hardly been used at all. I believe that the main reason is that developers prefer to make more money by selling the freehold to one body and the leasehold to another. That means that owner-occupiers, particularly in blocks of flats, have little or no control over the work carried out on their properties or the costs of them. I am sure that your Lordships are aware that I have spoken about leasehold reform many times. I still have my flat in Australia, where our commonhold is called strata title. Under that system, all flat owners are members of the body corporate and all decisions about the block are made collectively. I am convinced that once a reputable company such as Persimmon—and lots of others—builds and sells one commonhold block, it will see how popular and effective the system is; once it takes off, there will be no turning back. Getting the advantages known to the public will prove the value to home owners.
In our 2002 housing Act on this matter, there is provision for leaseholders in existing blocks to apply to convert to commonhold, but the provisions of the Act make it almost impossible, as 100% of leaseholders must agree. Apart from the fact that more often than not one owner is not contactable, it is open to abuse by any superior landlord not wanting to change. They need to buy out only one person’s vote to secure retention of the property for the superior landlord. Would it not provide a wonderful example if the Government were to support commonhold as the choice of tenure for the buildings to be converted to residences on the former Olympic site? This would provide a real legacy for the Games.
Returning to the wider issues of housing, we are all aware of the desperate need for more housing. Finance has been in short supply and mortgages have been almost unobtainable. Small builders cannot employ staff or begin construction unless they are sure of financial backing. From the comments of the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, I thought that the flexibility in this scheme should clearly mean that small builders can be supported in the same way as anyone else; it does not have to apply only to huge construction firms. Many of these small builders have huge skills and capabilities.
A lot of noble Lords will remember the late Lord Taylor. He told me that his career began when he built one house—I think in Liverpool. Selling that house provided him with the funds to build two houses and he went on to head Taylor Woodrow, which was a great achievement for him and a wonderful example for anyone looking for a future in the industry. We should not overlook that; we should support small builders who are ready and able. I like the expression “shovel ready” used by the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, and builders are shovel ready and often desperate for work at the moment. If they cannot employ staff, they cannot get going.
There is another aspect of housing on which I must comment. At present, there is a great argument about green belt and non-green belt land. I made this point during the passage of the Localism Bill, but consider it worth repeating in the context of this debate and all recent debates on the subject. There are small pockets of land in so-called green belt land that are sited in the midst of fairly built-up areas. These infill sites already have all the infrastructure in place and homes could be built on them without the delay of waiting for services, such as power, roads, and so on. This would mean that builders could get working much more quickly. Naturally, whoever owns the adjoining house will not want new neighbours, but nimbyism is not to be encouraged. Providing the new build is in harmony with the neighbours, it would rapidly become acceptable.
Reading page 3 of the Library note on this Bill today, I was disappointed to see the negative comments from the Opposition in the other place. To speak as pessimistically as Rachel Reeves did for the Opposition—in col. 689—is most disturbing. Surely we should all welcome this hope of producing not only more jobs, but also more homes. All parties must surely support the principle of this Bill. To oppose it, which in fairness she said she would not, would be to kill off hope for people who would definitely benefit if this finance made the difference between action and no action on infrastructure.
I can better understand Nick Raynsford’s remarks about “deep scepticism” and his wondering whether the Bill will deliver all that is expected of it. We have heard similar comments from the noble Lord, Lord Adonis. We all hope that it will deliver, but no one can know these things for certain. Without this Bill, I believe there is no hope for this necessary progress. It is a money Bill and I understand the significance of that, but I do not mind speaking on it. It is not something that we have any right to do anything about. We must go ahead with this financial assistance scheme; we must look to the Government to ensure that the money is put to good use to provide homes, systems, schemes and developments to the benefit of those needing work and homes.
I found many of the comments made by the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, very interesting, such as his comments on toll structures. I have just come back from Australia, and I was very interested to see how well the toll roads work out there. Whether they are appropriate for here, I do not know. That is not my field of expertise. The noble Lord said that things have not progressed but perhaps this Bill will help them to progress. We have to look at this positively and go ahead with this action by the Government. The important thing is that the money has to be spent wisely on guarantees. No one seems to be able to get a guarantee now from a bank for pretty well anything, particularly for major projects but also for small projects. My appeal today is that we try to help small builders to get going so that homes can be built immediately for those who desperately need them and so that builders can provide employment. I support the Bill.
Lord Desai
My Lords, as I came into the Chamber this afternoon, I was told that I had missed the U-turn on the badger cull, but I am glad that I am here to see the U-turn on the Treasury’s economic policy. Unlike the badger cull, it is as if only some badgers are not going to be culled, but others will be. It is a very minor regression from their policy by the Government. I guess it will do no harm to spend £50 billion doing something, although I still do not quite understand why it is necessary.
There are two problems. The Government’s economic case—I thought I was one of the few people who understood it—was that they would withdraw from spending money because we do not have any money, which is fair enough, and the private sector would take over investment. The private sector is flush with money. There is absolutely no shortage of funds in the private sector. The balance sheets of private corporations are very generously funded. Therefore, if these infrastructure projects cannot get money from the private sector, one needs to know what the market failure is. If the market failure is that the Government should have been spending this money anyway, why are we doing it? If the problem is that the Government have to spend money because projects will not be funded by the private sector, I understand that. I grew up with that argument and have no problem with it, but in that case, £50 billion is not enough. As my noble friend Lord Adonis pointed out, there are many more things that could be done.
The Government are not doing that, but are doing this. I still have not seen an intellectual case or any evidence that significant numbers of people are unable to get money, although it may be the case. One reason could be that people need some kind of pump-priming investment so the Government have to start something for other people join in. The Government have to show some confidence in the long-term prospects of the economy by, for example, starting a third runway, upgrading the A14 or whatever, and then there would be supplementary investment. But this says that the Government will not do anything except stand there because in 1932 Baldwin prevented the Government doing it. I find it very surprising that the Government cannot do this in any case, but that is a bureaucratic thing, a regular Treasury thing, and so I will never understand it.
I find it intellectually impossible to understand why it is being done now, why, if it is being done now, it could not have been done two years ago and why a much more ambitious scheme could not have been done many years ago. Why have the Government waited two years and had a massacre of infrastructure projects before we got to this? Lastly, have the Government any idea whether this is going to work? I still do not know which projects are stuck because they cannot get a bank loan. If they cannot get a bank loan, is it because the project will not make money? If that is the case, is the taxpayer about to lose more money than before?
Baroness Maddock
My Lords, I always enjoy the contributions of the noble Lord, Lord Desai. I declare an interest as a vice-president of the Local Government Association. This is an important Bill, particularly for housebuilding, which is what I shall concentrate on. It was interesting that Radio 4 yesterday morning highlighted rapidly rising rents in the private sector and highlighted one of the reasons for this—the shortage of homes that we face in the United Kingdom. Housing is a vital part of our United Kingdom infrastructure. Not only does housebuilding help to boost the economy, particularly the construction industry—a point made by my noble friend Lady Gardner—it also solves a number of other significant social problems, including social housing waiting lists, high rents, the affordability of homes for first-time buyers and overcrowding, which is becoming acute in housing in this country. However, despite this, the coalition Government inherited a housing crisis in May 2010.
Under successive Governments, the number of homes being built has been declining. In particular, social housing stocks have been extremely badly hit. The coalition Government are committed to building more homes. We have already said that we expect to build 170,000 new social homes by the end of this Parliament. However, while the Government are investing state money in many of these projects, there is also a real need for support for private developers to get housebuilding projects under way, a point made by my noble friend Lady Gardner of Parkes. The Bill will allow the Government to provide loans, guarantees and other financial support for infrastructure of up to £50 billion. As I understand it, £10 billion of this could be used to support housebuilding.
One of the problems of our housing infrastructure is its age. Very many of our houses were built in the last century, the century before and even before that. This means that our housing stock is incredibly energy inefficient and this does not help other matters that we are trying to deal with in reducing our carbon emissions. We just do not have enough houses. As I understand it, in 2011 390,000 families were created, but we managed to provide just in excess of 100,000 new homes.
The previous Government, despite the wide-ranging but scathing opening remarks of the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, did not do a lot for housebuilding. Housing construction—perhaps it was not all due to the previous Government—actually fell off a cliff during the financial crisis. In 2008-09, fewer than 100,000 new properties were started. Although the number has increased since then, we are still a long way off building enough new homes. I understand that the revised figure for 2011-12, as I mentioned earlier, is something in excess of 100,000 properties. Despite this positive news, a far higher percentage of these new starts were public sector-led, either by housing associations or local government, than were privately funded. In 2010-11, 24% of constructions were publicly financed compared to between 9% and 13% in the decade before.
The noble Lord, Lord Adonis, did not talk too much in his opening comments about his own Government’s record on housebuilding. During 13 years of the Labour Government, the social housing stock fell by well over 400,000. Although they had ambitious targets, they did not meet them in the 13 years. In fact, they consistently failed to meet their social housing target and, in their last year of office, they missed it by 78,000.
The lack of social housing and delivery of new private sector housing has led to a number of very serious consequences. Average house prices in January 2012 were estimated to be under £200,000, and for those of us who spend our time in London, we know that here—and particularly in Westminster—the position is even worse. This is an increase in the past decade of almost 70%. An average of 21,658 properties has been deemed to be overcrowded at any one point in the past three years. The lack of supply has also meant that homes cost more to rent. The mean rent of the private rented sector in 2010-11 was £160 a week, and that has risen considerably, leading to very large bills for housing benefit. That bill has increased from £11 billion in 2000-01 to £21 billion in 2010-11. If we look at other figures to do with the private rented sector, which is where a lot of people have to find their homes now, because we have not built so many social properties, there has been an 86% increase in working families claiming housing benefit. We now have more than 400,000 people receiving housing benefit. What is more worrying is that we have another 10,000 applying for housing benefit in the private rented sector every month. The total number has risen by 37% in three years. We can see why it is important that we find some way in which to support the construction of more homes in our country.
I shall spend a very short time on the area I come from, the north-east of England, where housebuilding numbers have suffered greatly since the financial crisis. They have slightly improved on the latest figures, but again in the north-east it is housing associations and local authorities that have taken up the greater number of starts. That shows a real need for more support for private sector housebuilding.
I have spoken on housing matters in this House for more than 20 years and in that time housing has never been really high up the political agenda. For many years we have not had a Housing Minister sitting around the Cabinet table, which is one reason why housing has been a little bit down the agenda. Instead of having its own department, it has been part of another, now called the Department for Communities and Local Government. In my time in Parliament, that is the fourth name for that department. It is not one of the highest performing departments, yet housing and housing infrastructure is such an important part of what happens in our country and in our economy.
I am very glad that the Government have brought forward this Bill. If there are technical details about why we could not do it before, that is a good reason to have it. We need to do all we can—and personally I want to see greater progress in the number of homes keeping up with the number of people and in building homes that produce less carbon. I give my support to the Bill.
Lord Giddens
My Lords, I hesitate to disagree with two distinguished professors of economics from the same institution as me, the London School of Economics, and with my noble friend Lord Adonis. Actually, I do not mind; it is good to have a bit of controversy in these debates, even from the same side of the House. Anyway, I feel more positive about this Bill than they do.
To me, the Bill is quite interesting, set against a background of previous government policy and the Government’s previous approach to cuts. It seems to mark something of a move away from the Government’s formerly—if I may say so—somewhat primitive approach to cuts, which everyone accepts have to be made. In many areas the Government have looked for cuts in a simplistic and even counterproductive way by not analysing their knock-on consequences. As a result, we do not even know in some important areas whether the cuts that are made truly are cuts.
I will give an example from the sector that I know best, the university sector. In this country we have a number of world-class universities. However, the consequences for the economy of the Government’s migration policy are very debatable. I have looked at the figures provided by the country’s main university groups, and it seems to me that these measures have cost the country money, not saved it. If you do not look at knock-on consequences, you simply do not know what a cut amounts to.
It is also very important to say that the obverse applies—renewed investment does not necessarily imply more borrowing, even in the short term. Again, it depends wholly on the economic consequences for jobs, revenue and demand. Whatever the limitations of the National Infrastructure Plan 2011, it seems to make clear that infrastructure spending can have a multiplier effect on productivity, employment and demand. The Government should always seek to balance these things when looking to produce a more effective system of savings and growth for the economy.
Infrastructure investment is a key area for other reasons. The professor at Oxford, Dieter Helm, a writer I much admire for his work on energy and infrastructure, has recently edited what seems to me to be the definitive book on British infrastructure, which rejoices in the sexy title of Delivering a 21st Century Infrastructure for Britain. I do not know how many copies it will sell but it is a pretty good book. He makes the point forcefully that not many businesses would want to locate in the UK because of its infrastructure which,
“is not fit for the digital age and much of it is very carbon-intensive”.
It depends which ranking system you chose but in the most well used one, the Competitiveness Index, the UK ranks only 24th in the world for competitiveness in the area of infrastructure. The outgoing Labour Government must shoulder quite a bit of the blame for this situation. Even though I am a Labour supporter, the Labour Government’s record—my noble friend Lord Adonis will forgive me—in transport, energy and housing was not impressive.
I have four questions to ask the Minister. I know that he is going to want to reply to the bombardment from the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, but he might perhaps spare a bit of time for my pathetic little inquiries. First, infrastructure is a very wide category and the Bill makes it open to a diversity of investors. How will balance be achieved if too much funding concentrates on certain areas? How will priorities be determined? There is a lot on priorities in the national infrastructure plan but I cannot see the relationship between that and the Bill at the moment, especially if it is driven too much by who is actually prepared to stump up money rather than by an overall plan.
Secondly, the Government claim initial successes for their pension infrastructure platform but the problems of linking pension funds to infrastructure investment are well known. Only 1% of pension funds globally are invested in infrastructure projects—for good reason, as there are often high risks in the early stages of such investment and pension funds are not normally geared to such risk-taking. How will the Government confront this issue?
Thirdly, and importantly, where will the burden of risk end up? As these are long-term projects, will the burden of risk in the Bill end up with the public sector in most cases, and therefore will they, as I said earlier, involve far greater cost to the public purse than might appear in the system that is set out?
Fourthly, energy is mentioned often, but what will be the relationship between this Bill and the new Energy Bill, which I believe will be published next month? At the moment energy policy seems to me, and I think to most people in the industry, pretty chaotic, with the Prime Minister saying one thing and other Ministers saying something else, with the Treasury apparently holding different views from the Department of Energy and Climate Change. Do the Government recognise the need for at least a 20-year planning cycle for core energy supplies? Does this not imply getting well away from a strategy based largely on short-term market fluctuations? In other words, I do not see from this Bill and the plan how long-term planning is to be achieved. We know that it cannot be achieved by the methods of the 1960s and that it is difficult to plan on a long-term cycle when technological innovation and other innovations are inherently unpredictable. Planning there must be, though, and the Government should devote a lot more attention to what form this will take if their interventions in infrastructure are to be at least a little bit more successful than the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, thinks is possible.
Lord Skidelsky
My Lords, as someone who has never been averse to having a go at the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I start by saying how idiotic and puerile it is for newspapers to make a lead story of which ticket he used for his journey from Chester to London. It is George Osborne’s stewardship of the economy, not his travel arrangements, which deserves censure. However, we have an infantile press.
Three big mistakes stick out over the past two and a half years. The first was the belief that cutting down government spending would automatically produce recovery. I know the Government now claim that they never believed anything so simple or idiotic, but they did, and there is plenty of evidence to prove it. Austerity is not a recovery policy.
The second has been the Chancellor’s failure to distinguish between current and capital spending. This has made the deficit seem more dangerous than it was. The prime example of this blind spot was the £50 billion cut in capital spending. The noble Lord, Lord Adonis, has drawn attention to the devastating consequences of this for the construction industry and for house, transport, education and hospital building.
The third was the Chancellor’s belief that without a severe fiscal contraction Britain would go the way of Greece: that is, interest rates would go through the roof. This was doubly wrong. First, with an independent central bank able to buy government debt in whatever quantities were needed there was never any chance of gilt yields rising to the levels experienced by Greece, Portugal, Ireland and Spain. Secondly, and perhaps even more importantly, a reduction in the cost of government borrowing is no guarantee of a reduction in the cost of commercial loans sufficient to offset the collapse of the private demand for loans. That is the explanation of a point mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Desai, regarding cash mountains sitting in corporations.
All three mistakes were interrelated parts of the wrong theory of the economy. Anyone who is interested in economics must start the analysis there. I am not going to go into it, but it is well known to those who are economically literate. The results have been zero growth since George Osborne took office. That was entirely predictable and was predicted by some of us. I have been saying for two and a half years—and I am not alone—that austerity would not produce growth and it has not produced growth. Now the international agencies are saying the same thing. Slowly but surely, the Government are being driven to plan B, though the Prime Minister prefers to call it plan A-plus.
It is against that background that I give a cautious welcome to the proposals in this Bill. Better late than never, better too little than nothing at all. As I understand it, the Bill aims to do three things. First, it provides for the Government to guarantee up to £40 billion or £50 billion of “nationally significant” private infrastructure investments which have to be ready to start within 12 months of the guarantee. As the Treasury explains it, the aim is,
“to kick start critical infrastructure projects that may have stalled because of adverse credit conditions”.
That is Treasury language. The guarantees might cover key project risks such as construction, performance or revenue.
Secondly, the Government will lend money directly to private investors to enable 30 public/private partnership projects worth £6 billion to go ahead in the next 12 months; I do not think that has been mentioned yet in the debate. Finally, a £5 billion export financing facility will be available later this year to overseas buyers of British capital goods; in other words, an export credit guarantee scheme of the type we are all familiar with. I would like to reinforce what the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, said. Having cancelled about £50 billion of certain public capital spending, the Government are hoping to replace it with an equivalent amount of private capital spending, much of which will never happen. That is completely illogical.
The main difference between this Bill and the British investment bank, which I have been urging, is that my bank—I call it “my bank” because I feel a certain sense of paternity in the idea, having been floating it for the last three years—would actively raise money in the private markets for its own investment projects whereas UK Guarantees, the government scheme, merely provides some finance for projects initiated by the private sector. In other words, the government scheme is still governed by the ideology that the private sector is more likely to pick winners than a state investment bank and that that is sufficient justification for waiting for the private sector to produce its projects.
Lord Peston
My Lords, the logic of what is being said is not that it is more likely to pick winners but that it already has all those winners. The only things holding them back are the risks of the projects which the taxpayer is taking over. It is a new theory to replace classical economics which—as the noble Lord well knows—says savings cause investment. Now we have loan guarantees causing investment and it is just as nonsensical as a serious piece of economics.
Lord Skidelsky
The noble Lord is quite right. The argument can be developed, but my point about picking winners and losers is that there is no empirical evidence for it being true, as a general proposition, that the state is more likely to pick losers than the private sector. We have had many examples of that not being true. The economic collapse of 2008 is a very good one.
Lord Giddens
Would the noble Lord accept that there is actually evidence that the state is quite often better? If you look at the history of energy industries and most technological innovations, they have normally been kick-started by government investment. This applies to all the major technology that has transformed our lives over the past 20 or 30 years.
Lord Skidelsky
I am happy to accept that. I was making a more modest claim.
A mere guarantee for privately initiated schemes is bound to be less successful, apart from in the efficiency of the schemes, at securing the required volume of investment than a commitment by the Government to a definite infrastructure programme. So while I wish UK Guarantees well, a certain amount of scepticism is in order.
In the final part of my speech, I want to consider what is happening to the economy. When an economy is crawling along the bottom, any small wave is likely to lift our spirits. Over the past three quarters—that is, the past nine months—the economy has shrunk by 1%. Even if, as now expected, it achieves a positive growth of about 0.8% this quarter, that still leaves it in roughly the same place as it was a year ago. Moreover if, as commentators suggest, this boost is due to the Olympics, it will be in the nature of a windfall. However much we may rejoice in the achievements of our athletes, 28 gold medals is not enough to turn the British economy around.
However, there is still a puzzle, which is that unemployment has been static in the past few months, and even falling slightly, despite the fact that output is flat and the economically active population has increased by 550,000 over the past two years. You would therefore expect unemployment to have increased. Why has it not done so? That is the puzzle. There are several possible explanations, none of them conclusive, because the facts necessary for a convincing answer are buried in a labyrinth of tricky statistics and slippery definitions. It may be that employers have been hoarding labour, but that becomes less plausible the longer the recession goes on. Part of the answer at least must be that productivity—that is, output per hour worked—has been falling. As the Guardian put it,
“it now requires many more of us to labour away to churn out the reduced volume of stuff”.
Falling productivity is just as serious a problem for the economy as rising unemployment, and a greater problem in the longer term.
The Prime Minister claims that 900,000 extra jobs have been created in the private sector over the past two years. I never know how many it is—sometimes it is 900,000 and sometimes it is 1 million; it goes up every day, but I am sticking to the 900,000 figure for the time being. That is not of course the net increase in jobs, given that 400,000 jobs have been lost in the public sector. The net increase in jobs has been 500,000. Can the Minister, the noble Lord, Lord Newby, tell us how many of the net gains in employment are full-time? Labour market statistics suggest that more than half of them are part-time or self-employed. Can the Minister also say whether those registered on government work programmes count in the Prime Minister’s extra 900,000 private sector jobs? The point is this: if a lot of the private sector job creation consists of part-time low-skilled jobs at the bottom end of the service sector, it would explain the decline in productivity that limits the rise in unemployment, but it is a poor omen for that vibrant, high-value economy that is supposed to secure our future prosperity.
I wish the Government well in these plans because I wish the country well, but we will need much more solid evidence than we have seen so far to believe that we have turned the corner and started to repair the damage of the past two and a half years.
Baroness Wheatcroft
My Lords, I will return to the narrow interpretation of the Bill, which is about infrastructure rather than employment figures. We all know that this country needs investment in our infrastructure which is second class. Our housing stock is too small. The Government are trying to address these problems. The Bill is a welcome contribution, although it is just one of many measures now being implemented, as the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, pointed out. However, as I listened to him and to the noble Lord, Lord Skidelsky, and their criticism of projects postponed, I had to disagree. The noble Lord, Lord Skidelsky, may well term me an economic illiterate, but it was right to postpone these projects because it was a simple matter of the accounts.
When the Government came to power, they were faced with a dreadful deficit, and their priority, quite rightly, was deficit reduction. However, not only were they seen to be reducing the deficit, but they had to persuade the financial markets that they were serious. Clearly, they have succeeded in persuading them of that and that is why we have the ratings we now have. Under the previous Government there was much talk about prudence, and prudence with a purpose, but profligacy was the reality. We now have a more prudent approach, and it is only because of that approach that the Government are now in a position to bring forward the scheme in this Bill.
We heard much talk from the noble Baroness, Lady Maddock, about the rise in rents and the problems that this is bringing to housing benefit. Providing housing benefit for those who cannot meet their rent now costs taxpayers almost twice as much as it did three years ago. We cannot afford that bill, let alone more. We need more affordable homes to rent and we need to enable those who want to own their own home to get a foot on the housing ladder. This Bill will help by giving backing to those who will provide the new homes. However, our needs go far beyond housing. If we are to compete as an economy, we must make long-overdue improvements to our road and rail networks, to our energy supplies, and to our airports. We cannot wait too long for that.
This Bill pledges some useful support for projects that need a helping hand, but the private sector can, and should, finance most of the infrastructure projects, with the Government in the role of enabler. I am glad to say that, as we heard from the noble Lord, Lord Newby, the Treasury is looking at £257 billion worth of projects to come forward over the next five years. I gather that 180 projects are now earmarked for development. These include the new, and crucial, nuclear power stations. Negotiations with the suppliers have now reached a very critical stage, when they have to be persuaded that there will be some guarantee of long-term price stability. I do not know how that can be done, but it is clearly extremely important that we should have nuclear power. The question is: how are these to be funded? The Government are now striving to find some innovative ways of securing that funding, because banks will not provide long-term funding. Five years is the longest that many of them will now contemplate.
We are due to hear more about these funding plans in the Chancellor’s Autumn Statement. It is interesting that, thanks to the Indian summer we have just had, autumn now comes in December. Apparently, the Statement will include details of the new-look PFI. I do not want another PFI. They are profligate, foolish, and inept, and we will be paying through the nose for many years to come for too many of those schemes that came forward through the old-style PFI.
The public were duped into believing that we could have new schools, hospitals and bridges without paying a penny. If it looks too good to be true then it is; and it was. Too many of the investors, many of them offshore, have made fortunes out of PFI, while the public have been saddled with long-term future commitments. These were heads-I-win, tails-you-lose commitments. We do not want PFI again, or anything like it. We need something new and innovative, and I hope that the Government will come forward with some means of providing funding that will not leave the public sector on the hook, as it has been. For example, as regards roads, the need for improvement is clear; there are potholes everywhere. However, if we are to have new roads, someone has to pay, and the Government simply cannot afford to. Surely it is right that those who use the roads pay; whether through tolls or through other electronic means of road pricing. That is surely the way forward. We have to avoid things such as the M6 toll road, where Macquarie, in its various guises, is now said to be making a return of about 150% a year.
There are sources of long-term financing that we need to tap into for such projects. The insurance and pension funds have long-term liabilities which could fit neatly with these schemes. The noble Lord, Lord Giddens, made mention of the pension funds. Clearly, they are right to have some qualms, but the Government are working with various trade bodies, including the Association of British Insurers, to try to devise ways in which the funds with long-term liabilities might come together to provide funding for major infrastructure projects. I hope that we will be able to hear more about that in the Autumn Statement. The talking has gone on for a while; it would be good if we were soon to see some action.
Finally, I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Skidelsky, for reminding us that this country can do infrastructure rather well. We should not lose sight of the fact that the Olympics were a great success, and the gold medal tally was pretty good too. However, we can do infrastructure and we need to get moving on it.
Lord Berkeley
My Lords, I thank Ministers for briefing some of us about the Bill last night. It was a very interesting introduction to it.
First, I should like to spend a few minutes examining the wider problems, beyond the financing, associated with getting projects off the ground, such as the approval process, planning and, of course, the appraisal criteria. I think it was two years ago that Infrastructure UK published a report comparing the civil engineering costs of big projects in the UK and Germany. The costs of construction were remarkably similar, but what was different was the enormously greater cost of getting projects off the ground in this country. It was very interesting that in his introduction the Minister said that one of the criteria for financing was that you had to get the project off the ground within 12 months of obtaining the finance. That is quite a challenge. First, presumably one has to get through compliance with the Treasury Green Book, which is an incredibly complicated document. You need lots of consultants’ reports to support your case, which costs time and money, and sometimes the results are such that you wonder whether the exercise is worth while. A similar document is required for transport projects and, again, it is incredibly complex. It goes down to fractions of a second, timing millions of cars, and that decides whether you build a motorway, a road or something else. Again, that costs an enormous amount of money. What will the criteria be for allowing these projects to be financed in this way? At the same time, does the Minister agree that it is about time that the Green Book and the equivalent transport document were reviewed to make them cheaper and simpler?
The next issue is planning, alluded to by my noble friend Lord Adonis. Planning delays are getting longer and longer. I declare an interest as chairman of the Rail Freight Group. Some rail freight terminals in the south-east have gone through two planning inquiries. The Minister lost the last judicial review on one of them, so he is now thinking of a reason for having another planning inquiry. One might suggest that, in considering these things, Ministers should obey the law and look at these things objectively, as I am sure their legal advisers will have asked them to do. However, it all adds up to an enormous cost for developers and enormous time delays. Getting planning permission for some of these projects can cost £10 million or even £20 million because of all the consultants involved. Therefore, while I welcome the finance in the Bill, I am not sure how much it is going to help things to go ahead.
Secondly, I want to cover briefly what the Minister said about this Bill having minimum impact on the public sector finances. I would say that I have not been speaking for 10 minutes yet; that may be wishful thinking on someone’s part. There are so many here who are experts on finance that I deign to tread there, but if we have a £50 billion fund for investments or guarantees, does that not affect the PSBR somehow, if it still exists? A couple of years ago I asked the Secretary of State for Transport—it was Philip Hammond, who was two Secretaries of State ago—whether he had any views on whether Network Rail’s debts should be on the government books. He said that he was agnostic about it; I do not know whether that still applies. There is also said to be a debt liability of £1 billion on the Channel Tunnel going back 25 years, so I do not know how all this works. However, I cannot believe that a £50 billion fund or guarantee from the Government has no effect on government finances. I am sure that the Minister will be able to put me right on that.
While everyone is encouraging projects to go ahead with a kick-start, I find one in particular a bit odd. This is the second Bill this year that would authorise government funding for the Thames tunnel. The previous one was the Water Industry (Financial Assistance) Act 2012. Why is there this enthusiasm for pouring public money into a Chinese-owned so-called public-private sector utility? Are the Government not aware that on 18 October the European Court of Justice, in its judgment C-301/10, found that the UK had not complied with directive 91/271 in respect of the Thames and another river somewhere up north, but that in seeking to comply the Government should look at the best known technology that does not impose excessive costs? I think that £4.2 billion—the equivalent of £80 every year for 30 years on every water payer within the Thames Water catchment area, which goes as far as Oxford and beyond—is probably excessive if there is an alternative. Paragraph 64 of the relevant judgment says:
“The concept of BTKNEEC”—
that is what it is called—
“thus enables compliance with the obligations of Directive 91/271 to be secured without imposing upon the Member States unachievable obligations which they might not be able to fulfil, or only at disproportionate cost”.
Even without this government money, then, the Thames tunnel will put all that money on. It may or may not comply but the judgment requires the Government to look at this again and at alternatives, which I believe exist. The noble Baroness, Lady Gardner, said that money should be put to good use and spent wisely. This is an example where, if it goes ahead, it certainly will not be. I hope that the Minister will impress upon his colleagues in Defra the need now for an independent review of the different options for complying with the ECJ ruling and for mitigating the fine which, at its worst, I am told could reach £1.5 billion. There is big money at stake here and a lot of it could be saved by looking at different options a little creatively. I will be meeting the Minister in a couple of weeks’ time to discuss this, when I shall expand on it further.
Lord Newby
My Lords, as predicted this has been an extremely interesting debate. I think I have been grilled by three LSE professors, which is probably par for the course in your Lordships’ House. I will do my best to respond to many of the questions raised. As an introduction, I have two points for the noble Lord, Lord Adonis. First, as far as I am aware, under the previous Labour Government’s plans there was an intention to have significant reductions to the deficit, about which not one word escaped the noble Lord’s lips. Presumably, had he had some ongoing responsibility he would have been trying to make sure that all that reduction had no impact on infrastructure spending. But that was wishful thinking. There would have been significant changes in infrastructure spending, even if the noble Lord was still in his former position.
Another point was made earlier by my noble friend Lady Maddock. Labour's record on housing and other areas of infrastructure expenditure, particularly social housing, hardly stands forensic scrutiny. It has certainly left us with a legacy on housing which we are struggling to put right.
The noble Lord asked a plethora of questions and I can respond to only some of them. His concern for the A14 is touching. I can confirm that it is a priority project. The Government announced in July that there will be support for an upgrade of the A14. As he surmised, the proposed scheme involves tolling. We are continuing to work on the funding package and are focusing on finding ways to bring forward construction earlier than 2018 by, among other things, streamlining the planning and procurement processes and identifying local contributions to the costs of the scheme. As my noble friend Lady Gardner of Parkes said, although circumstances are different in Australia, if other countries can do tolling it should not be beyond our ability.
The noble Lord asked about airport capacity and was scathing about the fact that we have now embarked on a review. Sadly, he did not tell us what Labour’s policy was in terms of hub airport capacity. The fact that I do not know what it is is no doubt a failure on my part. He also asked about HS2 and I can assure him that we are expecting a Bill on HS2 in the next Session. The Government are pressing ahead with the scheme.
The noble Lord referred to the fact that some 63 of the projects in the national infrastructure plan had vanished. That is true. It is the nature of large projects: some are brought forward and disappear and others come forward that were not there then. He will be relieved to know that next month there will be an update on the national infrastructure plan and he will be able to see not just which projects have dropped out but which new ones have dropped in.
The noble Lord asked why a second Bill concerning infrastructure was coming forward with infrastructure in the title—the Growth and Infrastructure Bill. That Bill has a completely different purpose from this one, although they have a single objective, which is to bring forward economic activity. That Bill deals with the planning and other non-financial constraints around getting housing in particular going. This Bill is purely a financial Bill.
My noble friend Lady Gardner of Parkes raised the desirability of getting more small builders operating. We agree. There has been a big reduction in the small building sector. We intend to support the establishment of a debt aggregator, which is an inelegant phrase. Such a body will be able to raise relatively large volumes of finance to lend to organisations such as builders needing smaller amounts of funding than a typical bond. It acts as a collective that will allow the money to filter down.
My noble friend also asked about the green belt and infilling. We are committed to safeguarding the green belt, but we recognise that there is some previous developed or brownfield land in many green belt areas that could be put to more productive use. We are encouraging councils to make best use of this land while protecting the openness of the green belt in line with the requirements of the National Planning Policy Framework.
The noble Lord, Lord Desai, accused us of doing a U-turn, or perhaps he congratulated us—I am not absolutely sure. He said that one of the problems is that the system is flush with money and he asked what the market failure is. There are two components, possibly. First, many companies are short of confidence to invest, largely because of the international economic situation. And secondly, the banking sector has not fully recovered from the great heart attack of 2008 and long-term lending in particular has not returned to the conditions that we saw before the crash. This is trying to help make it easier for banks which are very unwilling at the moment to lend in the long term, even for projects which in normal times they would lend on. As I mentioned in my opening speech, the volume of interest we have had suggests to us that this will be effective. The noble Lord said that many people are stuck because they cannot get a bank loan, which is undoubtedly the case. That is because of the problem that I referred to that the financial markets are not in a normal mode for long-term lending.
My noble friend Lady Maddock helpfully referred to the fact that the Government are committed to building 170,000 new social homes during the course of this Parliament. But she made the point that there are 390,000 new households being formed every year. We have a big problem and it is partly a cultural problem across the political parties. In the 1950s parties had in their manifestos figures indicating the number of houses that they were going to build. This was one of the key things that made Macmillan’s career. Housing has slipped down the political agenda and different sectors—health and education, for example—are vying for funds. We are all having to reassess the urgency of the need to get more funding into housing. It is a long-term issue and it is becoming more and more clear that it is a difficult issue; all parties, if you look at their performance in recent years, have tended to give it a broadly equal degree of priority, but it has probably not been a high enough degree of priority.
The noble Lord, Lord Giddens, asked me four exam questions and I will do my best to answer at least some of them. He asked about priorities and how Infrastructure UK decides between all the proposals coming forward. We have set out a menu of things, all of which are important, but there is not any artificial predetermination of priorities before we see what the applications say. Every application will be looked at on its merits.
Lord Newby
That is a philosophical question, almost. When is a menu a plan and when is it not a plan? If I am making a dish, it very often lists a number of things that are absolutely required to make a successful dish but it does not necessarily say in what order I need to chop them up. The menu taken together would undoubtedly represent the implementation of a very significant plan.
Lord Adonis
Is the Minister not confusing a menu with a recipe? A recipe is the plan; a menu is options which then lead to recipes thereafter, if I can be philosophical.
Lord Newby
I am always in awe of the culinary skills of the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, and am extremely grateful for that way of looking at it. However, whether it is a plan, recipe, menu, or none of the above, the key thing is that, as far as risk is concerned, which was the second question that I wanted to address, the Treasury will be responsible for managing the risk and assumes the contingent liabilities. Value for money, as I said earlier, is key.
The noble Lord, Lord Giddens, asked about the pension infrastructure platform, about which I should perhaps have said more. As he may know, last week, seven pension funds announced that they would be initial subscribers to the platform. They will each invest at least £100 million. We hope that the system will be up and running early next year and that it will be the first element of a much larger fund. As to why we think that pension funds might now get involved in this kind of investment whereas they have not in the past, the answer is that, in the past, they have been able to get better returns through conventional means of investing the money. At the moment, with interest rates so low, they are getting very low returns. The other problem that they have had is that, where they have gone via private equity houses which have managed infrastructure programmes, they have often found that the programmes have not worked very well and that they have been charged an arm and a leg for it. So this is a way for the funds, with support from the Treasury, to get into what could be very important new form of investment without what they have seen as being the unreasonable cost of going down a purely private sector route.
The noble Lord also asked about the relationship between this Bill and the energy Bill. The purpose of the energy Bill is to set a framework for investment in the energy sector over the medium term. Once the energy Bill, which will come forward relatively soon, is enacted, and against the framework that that Bill sets out, people looking to invest in the energy sector can form a view about what they want to do and individual projects will be eligible for support under the Bill.
The noble Lord, Lord Skidelsky, started with three nonsenses and will not be surprised that the Government do not agree absolutely with everything that he said. I find it almost incredible to think that if the Government had not been seen to get the fiscal position under control, interest rates would not have gone up. Even if they had not gone up to the levels that they are at in Greece or Spain, a single percentage point increase in interest rates, among other things, costs mortgage holders in the UK an extra £12 billion a year and would over the course of a Parliament, with all other things being equal, cost the Government about £25 billion. These are very important considerations. Interest rates would almost certainly have been higher if we had turned on the tap.
On his proposal for a British investment bank which would raise money in the private market, the noble Lord will not be surprised to know that the Treasury view is that, if that bit of the state is raising money in the private market and conventional government borrowing is happening in the same private market at the same time, the markets will judge the pair of them together as a common pool of demand from the UK Government. Therefore, we could not segregate borrowing for a British investment bank without it having consequences for the way in which all government borrowing was viewed.
The noble Lord asked how many of the net gains in employment were self-employed or part time. There is a false assumption that working for oneself or working part time are somehow second-class things to do or things that people do not necessarily choose to do. Some people are forced to do one or the other. However, when I was made redundant in the last property crash in 1992, I in effect became self-employed by setting up my own company and it was one of the better things that I have ever done. It did not mean that I was economically out of the market or that I was not able to grow anything. Many people who become self-employed find that they are successfully self-employed. Equally, many people who work part time—and even the Guardian accepts that the figure is at least 80%—do so through choice rather than because they are forced to.
Lord Skidelsky
Would the Minister be kind enough to answer my question? What proportion of the Prime Minister’s 900,000 new jobs are part time and what proportion are full time? Further, are those employed under government work schemes included in the figure of 900,000?
Lord Newby
I am afraid that I do not have those figures to hand but I will write to the noble Lord.
The noble Baroness, Lady Wheatcroft, raised concerns about continuing the old system of PFI. Many people share her concerns about the way that PFI has worked, and in any future schemes I know that the Government will seek to avoid the problems of the past in that respect.
The noble Lord, Lord Berkeley, asked several questions, one of which concerned the criteria were for which projects come forward. As I said in my opening remarks, the five principle criteria are that the schemes be nationally or economically significant, financially credible, good value for money for the taxpayer, not solely dependent on a guarantee to proceed, and ready to start construction in 12 months. He asked whether the £50 billion affects the PSBR. The answer is that it affects the PSBR only if guarantees are called upon. My understanding is that if it is a contingent liability, this does not affect what I still think of as the PSBR.
The noble Lord, Lord Berkeley, also asked about the Thames tunnel and whether we might have an independent review. Living as I do on the Thames and being subject to many public meetings about the Thames tunnel, it seems to me that the current programme of proposals on the tunnel involves a huge amount of consultation and much discussion of alternatives. Having got this far on what seems to be an unavoidable necessity, I certainly would be extremely loath to think that we had to go back to the drawing board and start again with an independent inquiry.
Lord Berkeley
Could the Minister answer my question about whether there will be a review or abolition of the Green Book?
Lord Newby
It will not be abolished. I will pass on the noble Lord’s concerns to my colleagues in the Treasury, who I am sure are already aware of them.
This is an important and much needed Bill. It will allow critical infrastructure projects that are being held back by adverse credit conditions to proceed and will support much needed investment in the rented housing sector. It contains measures that will support growth, jobs and families, all at minimal cost to the taxpayer. It will help to unlock the investment that the UK urgently requires to make it one of the predominant places in the world to do business, and to support sustainable growth that is balanced across sectors and regions. I request that the Bill be given a Second Reading.
Bill read a second time. Committee negatived. Standing Order 46 having been dispensed with, the Bill was read a third time and passed.