Immediately stop all arms exports to Israel & seek ceasefire in Gaza

We ask you to: •Immediately suspend all arms licences and exports to Israel. •Do everything in your power to seek an immediate and permanent ceasefire in Gaza. Just 30 out of around 350 licenses to Israel have been suspended. We do not believe this is enough.

This petition closed on 5 Jun 2025 with 67,306 signatures


Reticulating Splines

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The UK's licensing criteria for arms exports set out that the Government must not issue arms export licenses if there is a clear risk that the items might be used to facilitate serious violations of International Humanitarian Law.

The ICJ found that Palestinians in Gaza have plausible rights under the Genocide convention. We believe that until it stops all licenses for arms exports to Israel, the UK is complicit in arming Israel and many regard Israel to be committing war crimes.


Petition Signatures over time

Government Response

Wednesday 6th August 2025

The UK’s priorities are an immediate Gaza ceasefire, hostages out, aid at scale, and a long-term political solution. As announced, we’ve stopped relevant exports for military use in Gaza.


Ceasefire:

The UK’s priorities are an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the release of all hostages, an immediate surge of aid into Gaza, and a return to negotiations towards permanent peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians based on a two-state Solution.

All our actions have been in support of these goals. On 29 July 2025, the Prime Minister announced that the UK Government intends to recognise the State of Palestine when the UN General Assembly convenes in September 2025, unless the Israeli government ends its military campaign in Gaza and commits to a long-term peace based on a two-state solution. This decision reflects the UK’s historic responsibility to support the two-state solution. Recognition alone will not progress the two-state solution. It is one part of a wider plan for peace, which must include plans for Gaza’s governance and security, delivery of humanitarian aid at pace and scale, an end to Hamas’ control of Gaza, and Israeli withdrawal, reform of the Palestinian Authority all leading to a process that delivers a two-state solution, with the long-term peace and security that Israelis and Palestinians so desperately deserve.

Working with our closest allies we will develop a broad agreement on the critical issues of governance, security, humanitarian access, and ceasefire monitoring. These issues are vital if we are to avoid further rounds of conflict, and essential if we are to build a longer-term horizon for a political solution.

Export licences:

The UK is not ‘arming’ Israel’s war in Gaza. We categorically do not export any bombs or ammunition for use in military operations in Gaza. On day one of this government, the Foreign Secretary ordered a review into Israel’s compliance with International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The review concluded that there was a clear risk that UK exports for the IDF in the Gaza conflict might be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of IHL. As a result, and in contrast to the last government, we took decisive action, stopping exports to the IDF that might be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of IHL in Gaza.

We have successfully implemented that suspension and continue to refuse all relevant licence applications. In 2024, we refused more licence applications for Israel than in 2020 to 2023 combined. The action we have taken, as announced to Parliament, is consistent with our legal obligations and we remain wholly committed to international law.

As set out to Parliament, the only exception to the suspension is parts for the global F-35 programme, to protect its role in NATO and international peace and security. But we have suspended direct exports of F-35 parts for use by Israel. Subject to the specific measures taken to protect the global F-35 programme, we are clear there are no export licences currently being used for military operations in Gaza.

More than half of export licences for Israel are for civilian goods, including IT security software, food testing chemicals, and university and lab equipment. Most military licences do not go to the Israeli authorities. Many are for military-grade equipment for commercial or civilian use, such as product testing or body-armour for journalists and NGOs. More still are for components which go to Israeli companies before being re-exported to a third country, including many to NATO allies.

Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office


Constituency Data

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