Electric Vehicle Charging Infrastructure

Debate between Stephen Hammond and Jim Shannon

Tuesday 7th March 2023 Westminster Hall

[Stephen Hammond (Wimbledon) (Con)]

I beg to move,

That this House has considered electric vehicle charging infrastructure.

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Pritchard. We had an important hour and a half debate on electric vehicle charging in this place less than two weeks ago, led by my hon. Friend the Member for Winchester (Steve Brine). It was a wide-ranging debate and we touched on a number of issues, but today I want to define it slightly more tightly and look at a couple of issues in a bit more detail. I recognise that there is a risk of repetition, but this is an extraordinarily important matter for this country to get right.

Although the country and the Government are making huge progress—the Government are leading the world, to a great extent, with the UK’s net zero target of 2050 and the phasing out of the internal combustion engine by the beginning of the 2030s—it is hugely important that they set aspirations and lead other nations.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on bringing forward this debate. There just are not enough electric charging points across the whole of the United Kingdom. As a result, constituents are unwilling or unable to buy electric cars, which take eight hours to charge fully. The latest figures indicate that there are now more than 90 vehicles per rapid charging point. Does he agree that it is crucial that conversations are had with Departments in the devolved Governments and other countries to enable them to align with the rest of the UK in electric vehicle charging points?

[Stephen Hammond]

I will later refer to the barriers to greater electric vehicle uptake, which include accessibility and the number of on and off-street charging points. There are great regional disparities across the United Kingdom in the number of charging points per 1,000 people. There are great differences between London, Scotland and the rest of the world. I am sure colleagues from more rural areas will talk about access to charging points and about local councils’ ability to allow people to use on-street and off-street parking, which sometimes prohibits the movement from the internal combustion engine to electric vehicles.

Transport represents 27% of the UK’s greenhouse gas emissions, and road transport is somewhat over 85% of that. We should not underestimate the progress that has been made. There are now 39,000 charging points across the UK and about 1,135,000 plug-in vehicles. But, as the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) said, the price of those vehicles and the lack of access to charging points prevent uptake. There is also a lack of a second-hand market—perhaps unsurprisingly, given the relatively recent development of the electric vehicle—which would mean more widespread availability and help the movement to electric vehicles.

Production levels of electric vehicles, which were greater two years ago than they are now, means that although there are 1,135,000 vehicles at the moment, the progress of uptake is slower than we would have expected, given the culture behind electric and hybrid.

Future of Rail Services

Debate between Stephen Hammond and Jim Shannon

Tuesday 20th December 2022 Westminster Hall

[Stephen Hammond (Wimbledon) (Con)]

I beg to move,

That this House has considered the future of rail services.

It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mr Robertson. I want to thank Mr Speaker for giving me the opportunity to host this debate. I have always believed that rail is critical to the success of our country. It connects our cities, towns and communities; it drives economic regeneration and growth; it is the employer of the present but also of the future, as new technological skills will be required; and it is the key to achieving many of our decarbonisation ambitions.

It is clear that the pandemic has caused many industries catastrophic problems, and the rail industry is no different. When covid hit, ridership fell to about 4%, which was a record low. Train operating companies that had been providing the Treasury with £100 million every four weeks were requiring a subsidy of something like £600 million. The franchise system—which had been broadly successful from 1992 to 2016, when it experienced a number of problems—collapsed and the Government became the operator of last resort.

It is not the case that all the problems of the industry came merely from the pandemic. The franchising system had worked well until 2016, but the more prescriptive franchising system set out in that round saw too much prescription and too little room for initiative. A distinguished predecessor of my hon. Friend the Minister recounts a story of how he was required to set the time of the last train from Southampton to Bournemouth. It should never be the role of Ministers to set timetables. There was too much interference.

Network Rail was the cause of 80% of the delays, which is what caused most passenger dissatisfaction. The new timetable that was introduced in 2018 collapsed in September that year, which triggered the response from the Department to have the Williams review. It is true that the Williams review took some time, but it has now come forward and highlighted some problems. There are some very good elements of the Williams review. I have already mentioned the incentives to decarbonisation and the suggestion that no one disagrees that the industry needs a guiding mind.

Equally, however, the review has embedded a number of problems. The concept of the guiding mind, the acceptance that the railways can drive social mobility and a cleaner, greener transport system, and that technology must be at the heart of future investment, are all absolutely key. However, I want to concentrate on two flaws of the Williams plan. First, the creation of Great British Railways as the guiding mind, the system operator, maintainer, enhancer and controller of operations, with the setting of passenger service contracts, safety and ticketing—I could go on—is to all extents and purposes the renationalisation of the railway system. Some in this room might think that is a good idea. Those of us old enough to have experienced British Rail will realise that no one in future would want to wear such rose-tinted glasses.

There is also concern that there is too little emphasis in the plan on the benefits that the private sector has brought to the railway. It gives no incentive for operators to offer an enhanced service, and suggests little punitive action if it is a poor service. The passenger service operating contracts may well be a short-term palliative, but if adopted in the long run they would drive the private sector from the industry.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I commend the hon. Gentleman for securing this debate. The key thing for me is the customer, and I know that that is the key thing for him as well. Does he agree that connectivity is essential to rural communities? The ability to jump on the tube or a train is missing in too many communities. We must look at not simply holding on to what we have, but at expanding the network so that we can tackle rural isolation. That is what the customer wants.

[Stephen Hammond]

The hon. Gentleman is exactly right. If he listens to my speech later on, he will hear me say that the passenger must be at the heart of the new railway system. The new system needs not to go back to what it was previously but to evolve. In a few moments’ time, he will hear me make that point.

I have always been in favour of privatised railways, although I accept that there are some legitimate criticisms. However, the creation of a not just fat but staggeringly obese controller at the centre and heart of a hybrid railway system is likely to be the worst of all worlds. I can only echo the view of so many senior rail experts who believe that, as the Government are soon to finalise their plans, now is the time and opportune moment to consider not just the best of the Williams-Shapps proposals but radical change.

The first test of this iteration of the Government’s plans has come with the recently announced SoFA—statement of funds available—for control period 7, which is £44 billion. That is a huge sum of money, but it is £4 billion less than the amount given for control period 6. That partly reflects the fact that, while Network Rail has excellent leadership at the top, all too often there are layers of permafrost that stifle initiative, do not give clear prioritisation to investment plans and do not get them delivered. In some cases, they have prioritised engineering over the customer. I reiterate that if this money is to be used sensibly, as I will say in a few minutes’ time, it is absolutely clear that the future plans for this industry must have well-defined, accountable plans for investment.

I have also looked at the HLOS—the high-level output specification—which was even more revealing, probably for what it did not say as much as what it did say. I saw no reference in the HLOS to either the rail review or Great British Railways. Although I accept that I may well be overinterpreting the HLOS, the optimist in me thinks that that means that the Government are actually signalling that they intend to revise their proposals.

Disappointingly, there was no reference to encouraging the participation of the private sector in the development of projects nor in the financing or funding of specific projects, despite that being one of the core suggestions that the transition team works on as it moves from the old system to the new. In response to the point about connectivity made by the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon), I accept that paragraph 24 of the HLOS refers to engaging with regional transport authorities, but I believe that local, regional and national schemes are all equally important. I hope the Minister will confirm that that was an error of omission rather than intent.

School Admissions Code

Debate between Stephen Hammond and Jim Shannon

Monday 10th October 2016 Commons Chamber

[Stephen Hammond]

I had hoped that progress might have been better, but it would be unfair on my hon. Friend the Minister to say that nothing has happened. He has met me on several occasions and pushed the case.

My hon. Friend could almost have been reading my speech, because I was about to remind the Minister of the issues that I raised last year, which I wish to raise with him again this evening. First, following that debate, he wrote a helpful letter to local authorities. The only problem is that a postcode lottery has developed. Some local authorities have been receptive to his letter, have taken the point that there is going to be a consultation, and have therefore looked to apply flexibility to when a child should enter school. That has been very good news for a number of parents. Unfortunately, many other authorities have said, “Well, that is just a letter from the Minister, and a consultation may happen at some stage in the future,” but have taken absolutely no notice. In the past two days I have had emails flooding in from people across the country sharing radically different experiences.

Secondly, as my hon. Friend the Member for East Worthing and Shoreham (Tim Loughton) said, we need the timetable for the changes to the code. That would lead to the end of the postcode lottery, but more importantly it would allow parents some certainty in planning their child’s future.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

The hon. Gentleman brought this subject to Westminster Hall a short time ago, and I supported him then and do so again tonight. We are all concerned about the angst of parents and pupils, and the educationalists—the teachers themselves—want to do away with the rigidity in the system and bring flexibility. Is that not what the Minister should do after tonight—bring about flexibility for everyone?

Summer-born Children (Education Guidelines)

Debate between Stephen Hammond and Jim Shannon

Monday 7th September 2015 Commons Chamber

[Stephen Hammond (Wimbledon) (Con)]

I want to extend my thanks to the Speaker for selecting me for this Adjournment debate, for even at this late hour the issue I intend to raise is highly important. I can tell the Minister that even at this late hour, although the Gallery may not be packed, a lot of people are watching this debate with real interest and have been waiting for his performance, and mine, for some hours now.

As with most Adjournment debates, the reason for applying for it started with issues raised by constituents. Their cases alone would have been enough for me to want hold the debate, but, as so often, when one starts to do one’s research one realises that something is not just a problem in one constituency but is a national issue. I recognise that others are pursuing similar campaigns. At the outset, I wish to recognise the excellent work of Bliss, the Too Much, Too Soon campaign, and the Summer Born campaign, as well as thousands of parents and colleagues, for I recognise that in raising this matter I follow in the footsteps of angels. I also want to praise the Department for Education and the Minister for the work they have already undertaken on this matter. The Minister will understand, however, that tonight I am going to try to persuade him to go a little further.

The definition of a summer-born child is one born between 1 April and 31 August. The issue, in essence, is that children must enter education by the September after their fifth birthday. So in a reception class starting on 1 September this year, there could be a child born on 2 September 2010 and a child born 11 months later at the end of August the following year. One might therefore expect a huge gulf to be seen in development—a fact that is consistently borne out by studies. It is well documented that summer-born children can suffer from long-term development issues and a lag in educational standards. A DFE study from last year showed that at the end of their first year children defined as summer-born were at a significant disadvantage in comparison with older children. The study shows that two thirds of those born between May and August fail to meet minimum expected standards in reading, writing, speaking, maths and other development skills, compared with slightly less than a third for those born between September and December.

That is understandably worrying for a parent of any child born in these months, but equally worrying is that, while intuitively one might expect this gap to decline as the child progresses through the education system, many studies show that children who are young for their year are typically still seeking to catch up at GCSE level and are less likely to go to university. In June this year, an article published in the Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry confirmed the DFE study’s findings that younger children were twice as likely to have language and behavioural problems relative to their elder peers. Interestingly, since I spoke about this on the radio at lunchtime, a number of people have contacted my office.

It is noticeable also that Sutton Trust research shows that this issue affects not only the poorest areas in our society but some of the richest—it spreads across our society. As I am sure the Minister knows, it is not unknown for some summer-born children to be told that they have special needs. Moreover, the experience of being persistently outperformed by more developed or older children can lead to serious confidence and inferiority perceptions and bullying. Of course, all these risks are also faced by premature children who are encouraged to start school before they are ready.

This whole catalogue of issues and problems was personified for me in two constituency cases. In the first, a summer-born child entered into reception without any deferral, despite requests to our local council to repeat their nursery years. It became clear that the child needed longer to develop. Therefore, the parents, with the headteacher’s support, using the guidelines in place, applied for the child to repeat reception rather than move to year 1. The admissions manager repeatedly stressed that the guidelines were not statutory, but after pressure the request was eventually granted. However, the council has said that the guidelines are not statutory, and it is now telling the family that it may have to go through the whole deferral process again in year 5. The possible consequence is that the child may miss year 7 and go straight into a secondary school in year 8, rejoining their original age cohort.

The second constituency case was raised by Louise and Ian Hunter in relation to their son Hugh. Hugh was born extraordinarily premature, and has been the beneficiary of the neo-natal unit at St George’s hospital and all its excellent staff. Hugh would not have been ready to enter reception at age 4, so his parents sought to defer it to age 5. One might have thought from knowing the medical history that a letter from the parents would have formed the substantial part of an application to defer his education and that very little else would be required. However, yet again, the local council told the parents that the guidelines were non-statutory, and that there might be issues with other authorities if they chose to move house at some stage. Indeed, the local authority appeared to say that “non-statutory” means voluntary or optional. The local council tried to claim that it needed a precedent to be able to follow the guidelines or clear evidence that Hugh had special educational needs before it could authorise a deferral. Finally, after a lot of persuasion, notice was taken of the guidelines, but there was still confusion over the process. Hugh was lucky to benefit from having dedicated and conscientious parents, and 18 months after their original application to defer, the council agreed to their request.

For many years before the guidelines were published, the whole process was mired in even more difficulty and uncertainty, so the way that the DFE and Ministers have grasped this matter is entirely to their credit and is much welcomed. However, it is clear that this matter remains far too much of a lottery for many. The volume of emails I have received from people from around the country this afternoon, following my performance on “You and Yours” on Radio 4, shows that this concern is not confined to those two constituency cases.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I sought the hon. Gentleman’s permission to intervene and thank him for giving way. As he will know, education is a devolved matter in Northern Ireland, but the issues in the cases that he outlines are also apparent in Northern Ireland. My concern regarding my constituents is that summer-born children are sometimes expected to be smarter than their younger counterparts. Has the hon. Gentleman experienced that on the mainland as well?

[Stephen Hammond]

I am unsure that I necessarily followed that exactly, but the hon. Gentleman, as ever, makes a clear point. I am sure that parents in Northern Ireland will be listening carefully.

Going back to my performance on “You and Yours” today, several people have emailed me since and I was particularly struck by a lady who contacted me to say that she had triplets born prematurely at 25 weeks. They should have been born on 1 November, but she was told by her local authority that if she delays their start to school, they will have to go into year 1 rather than reception. That is despite the fact that her children have been diagnosed by paediatricians as having additional needs and developmental delay. Another lady got in touch to tell me about her grandaughter who was born in August 2005 in Dublin. In Ireland, as the Minister will know, parents can choose when a child with an August birthday starts school, so the parents decided to delay her entry into reception. A few years later, it was necessary for the family to move to the UK, where the local authority has insisted that the child starts school with her chronological age group in year 5, thereby skipping year 4. That has caused huge distress and anxiety for the child. Practice differs across the country, but the guidelines are being followed inconsistently and it has become far too much of a lottery.

HGV Road User Levy Bill (Ways and Means)

Debate between Stephen Hammond and Jim Shannon

Tuesday 23rd October 2012 Commons Chamber

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

The Minister referred to a previous matter in relation to the Irish Government. A new bridge is to be built across the narrows, near Warrenpoint, and the Irish Government are going to pay for that. There will be no toll on that bridge. Is there an agreement with the Irish Government that they provide the bridge and there will be no toll?

[Stephen Hammond]

Well—[Interruption.] Mr Deputy Speaker, you are right on all matters, and certainly on that one. If I may, I will write to the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) as I am afraid I do not know the answer. Although I could stand here and talk about something, it is better to say that I will write to him when I have the answer.

My hon. Friend the Member for Braintree (Mr Newmark) congratulated a number of his road hauliers—rightly so—and he got to the essence of the argument, which is about equity and economics. He was right to point that out and place it on the record, and I am delighted that his constituency has benefited from the pinch points plan that the Government announced two weeks ago.

This has been a well-informed debate and we heard two contributions, including from my hon. Friend the Member for Milton Keynes East (Iain Stewart), about modal shift.

Petrol Prices (Wyre Forest)

Debate between Stephen Hammond and Jim Shannon

Wednesday 12th September 2012 Westminster Hall

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Transport (Stephen Hammond)]

Although it is a surprise to be here this morning, Mr Howarth, it is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, on what is my first outing representing the Government, and to respond to the debate secured by my hon. Friend the Member for Wyre Forest (Mark Garnier). I thank him for his kind words. I remember well the day in Wyre Forest, although he forgot our trip on the steam train, in addition to the driving centre. I am pleased, too, to see my hon. Friend the Member for Redditch (Karen Lumley) and the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) here today, as it shows the interest in this matter from communities beyond Wyre Forest.

I am surprised to be here this morning, because the debate has been misallocated to the Department for Transport. Many of the comments made by my hon. Friend the Member for Wyre Forest were about competition and fuel price policies, but neither is the Department’s responsibility. Therefore, I apologise if it is not appropriate for me to answer all his points, as the responsibility to do so lies with the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills.

I was pleased, but not surprised, to hear my hon. Friend say that he is a free marketeer and that he does not wish to see the market regulated. As he knows, the petrol retail market is not economically regulated now. As with standards and competition policy, there are legal restrictions, and it is for the Office of Fair Trading to investigate breaches and enforce those. I will come on to the OFT’s investigation in a moment, but clearly, the existing situation is right, and the market operates on that basis. Like my hon. Friend, I do not wish to see economic regulation.

This debate goes to the heart of the fact that, in this time of economic difficulty, high fuel prices are putting a lot of pressure on households and businesses. Businesses are working hard, as are the Government, to ensure that motoring remains affordable for all. We have taken extensive action to ensure that motorists are supported. In the 2011 Budget, the Government cut the fuel duty by 1p a litre, and we have scrapped the previous fuel duty escalator, replacing it with a fair fuel stabiliser. That mechanism, which was effective from Budget day 2012, is designed to ensure that the burden of higher oil prices is better shared between oil companies and motorists through the increased taxation of oil and gas production when oil prices are high. When oil prices are above the trigger price of £45 a barrel, fuel duty will increase by the retail prices index only. When they are below that trigger, it will increase by RPI plus 1%, but that happens only when prices fall below the trigger point for a sustained period. My hon. Friend will remember that, in the autumn statement 2011, the Government deferred the 3p a litre fuel duty increase until August 2012. In June this year, the Chancellor of the Exchequer announced that that increase would be further postponed.

The Government are acutely aware that the high price of oil is a burden for people at this difficult time. As a result of our actions, motorists are being helped, and frankly, if that help had not been in place, whatever the price pertaining—whether petrol is more expensive in Wyre Forest than in Birmingham, or in Redditch than in Cardiff or Strangford—the reality is that the price would be 10p higher than it is now. The existing situation is a direct result of the Government’s action.

[Jim Shannon]

Even allowing for the Government’s steps, which I very much appreciate, in 2008, the price of a barrel of oil was $147, and the price at the pump was £1.04 a litre. In 2012, the price is about $100 per barrel and the price is £1.39 a litre. I am not a mathematician, but even taking into account those extra charges, that does not add up. I know that the responsibility does not lie with the Minister, but it illustrates to many of people inside and outside the House that oil companies are making exorbitant profits, and there is a need for the regulator to take control.

[Stephen Hammond]

The hon. Gentleman has put an interesting point about mathematics on the record. He tempts me to pre-empt the OFT investigation, which I would be ill-advised to do. I advise him and other hon. Members present to see what that investigation says. None the less, I hope that he takes the point that the Government are taking action because we recognise the burden of cost. In a moment, I will say a little about the Government’s concerns in relation to market transparency, because that is the line that he is going down, and I understand that.

The road fuel retail market in the UK has always been an open market, not an economically regulated market. The Government consider that to be very much in the wider interests of consumers. Regulation is undertaken by independent competition authorities. However, my predecessor made the point clearly that the Government are concerned about the lack of transparency in the market. As has been expressed not only in this debate but more widely, many people are concerned about fuel prices. They are concerned that the recent reductions in crude oil prices are not being seen at the pumps either at all or as quickly as motorists would like.

The Government have made their position very clear. The previous Secretary of State for Transport, my right hon. Friend the Member for Putney (Justine Greening), spoke several times about motoring costs, as did the Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills and the Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change. We have made the point that it is in our mutual interest for motorists and businesses to be confident that they are being treated fairly. That is important for the long-term benefit, and that point has been made several times.

When wholesale costs are coming down, those reductions should be passed on transparently and without unnecessary delay. Certainly, the aim of the fair fuel stabiliser is to ensure that action as well. Many members of the Government—the previous Secretary of State for Transport and other Secretaries of State—have made the point that motorists have the right to expect that when there are changes in the crude oil price—they can see those changes on the evening news—they will be reflected at the pumps. There is a duty on the fuel retailers to reflect that. The Department for Transport is on the record as saying that we want not only to see that happening, but to see it happening more obviously, so that there is greater transparency.

The previous Secretary of State put pressure on the fuel retailers to ensure that there was some transparency in their pricing policies. I was delighted to hear from my hon. Friend the Member for Wyre Forest that at least one of the major retailers of petrol was prepared to engage with him; it is to that retailer’s credit that it did so. Of course, being a financier of some repute in his previous life before first entering the House, he will recognise that those are quite normal pricing strategies. Whether his constituents see them as equitable or fair is another question. He will recognise that what that retailer said to him was not that different from what can be found in almost any economics manual.

As I said, the Government are clear that there needs to be transparency in this market and that we need to see that transparency being enacted. We also need to be clear that the industry is giving confidence to consumers. That is why both the Department for Transport and the Department of Energy and Climate Change wrote to several industry organisations, challenging them to ensure that there is transparency and encouraging them to work with the Government to take that forward.

The continuing and increasing public concern about the inability of some fuel retailers directly to reflect the reductions in crude oil prices in pump prices is the reason why on 5 September the OFT, which is, as my hon. Friend knows, the independent authority with responsibility for reviewing markets and enforcing the legal standards that relate to competition in this market as well as other markets, issued a call for evidence to help it to identify whether there are competition issues and a lack of transparency.

My hon. Friend mentioned that he thought that there might be anecdotal evidence of collusion, price undercutting and an attempt to drive out local independent retailers. He would therefore want to recognise—I think that he did so in his speech—that it is right and proper that the OFT gets on with its job and identifies whether there are competition issues overall in the sector or in parts of it.

The Government have made it clear that we fully support the call for information on the road fuel retail market. We clearly recognise the importance of fair pricing to cost-conscious motorists. It is clear that the OFT has been given a brief to explore what are a number of claims about how the road fuels sector is operating. I congratulate my hon. Friend, because almost everything that he spoke about in his speech is in the terms of reference for the OFT’s work. That is why I made the points about collusion, transparency, price fixing and driving out local independents. All those points are explicitly set out in the OFT’s terms of reference.

The Government have asked the OFT to call for evidence, and it is getting on with that. It has said that it will publish its key findings in January, alongside recommendations for action if it believes that to be necessary. It will obviously be appropriate at that time for the Government to make some response. It would clearly be inappropriate for the Government to pre-empt the outcome of that consideration and to speculate on what the next steps might be. Therefore, if my hon. Friend will indulge me and perhaps speak to the relevant Department in January about the outcome of the OFT’s work, I hope that he will get satisfaction. It is vital to the Government that we increase consumer confidence in this area. That is why the Government have asked the OFT to investigate. It is why Secretaries of State have been putting on pressure to ensure that the wholesalers ensure that there is retail price transparency.

I again congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this important debate. I have no doubt that the message about his standing up yet again for his constituents in Wyre Forest will ring through Wyre Forest tonight via the local press, and I congratulate him on that.

UK-India Trade

Debate between Stephen Hammond and Jim Shannon

Wednesday 25th January 2012 Westminster Hall

[Stephen Hammond]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. One of the greatest encouragements to international trade is certainty in the business environment, whether political, legal, accountancy or business ethics. She makes an outstanding point, which is absolutely correct.

I have touched on the financial services industry, and I hope that the Minister will outline what the Government are doing to ensure that pressure is maintained for further liberalisation of the area. There are other industries in which the relationship between the United Kingdom and India is growing and could be pivotal to us if we accept the opportunities. In the telecoms world, the UK has traditionally enjoyed, and still does, a competitive advantage over many countries in Europe and the world. It has been a leader in the development of mobile and tele-optic fibre technology and policy.

India suffers from a highly fragmented mobile technology market and might benefit if it were slightly less fragmented, but it is undeniably true that the market is dynamic. In one of the past six months, 18 million new mobile connections were made, and there is significant demand from the Government for the enhancement and expansion of broadband and some machine solutions to manage logistics. There is an opportunity for the UK telecoms industry, and it could become pivotal to our future.

The same is true of the higher education sector. One of the last high commissioners, His Excellency Nalin Surie, expressed disappointment that the UK had failed to grasp the opportunities that India thought that it was opening up to UK academic institutions and at its inability to open faculties in India. At last, over the past two or three years, there has been reversal of that. There are immense opportunities for new faculties and collaboration on high tech and pharmaceuticals, particularly in some areas of post-doctoral research. The UK higher education sector would do well to grab them.

[Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)]

I congratulate the hon. Member on bringing this debate to the Chamber. He referred to education and the adoption of cultural links. In my constituency, Orange district lodge No. 4 has been actively involved in raising money to build a school for orphan children and for their health. Comber rotary club has been raising money for polio vaccination. Business opportunities come through health links, church links and human rights links. Does the hon. Gentleman believe that such links are overlooked by the Government and should be encouraged?

[Stephen Hammond]

I agree entirely that there are huge opportunities outside the industries that I am talking about. Owing to pressure of time, I shall conclude my comments in the near future, but I am sure that colleagues will want to talk about opportunities and other industries. The hon. Gentleman is correct. I had the opportunity of seeing one of the major Indian health care providers and what it is offering to the UK. There is collaboration with UK pharmaceutical firms on drugs to the Indian generic market. There are huge opportunities.

The Indian economy will grow less slowly this year than in previous years, but at 9% it will still be one of the fastest growing economies in the world. That will inevitably bring pressure for further infrastructure development. The new five-year plan suggests that it wants $1 trillion added to its infrastructure budget for capacity in power, roads, rail, ports, aviation, housing, office and social infrastructure. The UK has not only civil engineering expertise and project management ability, but acknowledged skill in project finance. I hope that the UK infrastructure industry, in the widest sense, will embrace the opportunity of that size of development.