(2 years, 6 months ago)
Commons ChamberI am at a bit of a loss to understand why the Government have not brought forward reform of the 1989 Act, because the security services, in evidence to the Intelligence and Security Committee, has said it is unfit for purpose—I think even the Government have admitted that, and so has the Law Commission. If we do not amend or substantially change that Act, we will have a situation where someone can get life for foreign espionage under this legislation, but only two years under the Official Secrets Act 1989. Surely this is an opportunity to update all that legislation? I cannot understand why the Government are doing things in this way.
The right hon. Gentleman will appreciate that, whether that is the view of the Law Commission or others, reform of the Official Secrets Act is complicated and not straightforward. I can tell colleagues that no one would be happier than I to present a reform agenda in that space, but it is not straightforward—[Interruption.] I appreciate colleagues’ gesturing on the Back Benches, but it is important that on this complex reform we continue to engage with a wide range of interests and give all due consideration to a number of concerns, because there are many, many concerns being raised.
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. He has touched on lobbying, as just one example, but we could expand the list. We have discussed in this House other enablers and facilitators, whether it is through Parliament or other means, to get access to the state, or institutions or arms of the state. I spoke earlier about the lacunas—the areas that we have to close down, or the grey zone, across the board. My hon. Friend has spent a great deal of time on this issue through the Foreign Affairs Committee. He is very much pursuing it and we look forward to working with him on it.
I am listening carefully to what the Home Secretary is saying, but why is there not in the Bill the foreign influence registration scheme that was called for by the Intelligence and Security Committee report on Russia in 2020? She said that the Government are working on it, but the United States have had this legislation since 1939 and the Australians brought in emergency legislation in 2018, so what is so difficult if one country has had it for over 70 years and the other one has brought it in more recently? Why is it not in the Bill? Is it going to be inserted later by an order of the House, which would be unfortunate as we have not had a chance to debate it today?
Our intention is to bring forward foreign agent registration and it will be brought forward in the Commons; let me give that assurance. [Interruption.] The right hon. Gentleman asks what is so difficult about it. There are a number of difficulties. It is not just a case of lifting and shifting what the US and Australia have done. We have been working with our Five Eyes colleagues. There have not just been many debates but we have working with colleagues who have themselves had difficulties in some parts of enforcement. We have had very close links with our Australian counterparts in terms of workability. We want to get it right. There will be an open debate about it in Committee and everywhere else, and we look forward to working with the right hon. Gentleman on that.
Importantly, this is where we need to join up both ends of the legislation. That is absolutely vital, through this Bill and the wider work on online harms, but there are changes that we certainly want the platforms to be putting in place. We have touched on the accountability of platforms already, but there is just so much more that they need to do and which is their responsibility.
My hon. Friend makes an important point about how, for example, if we look at counter-terrorism offences and platforms’ approaches to footage online, GIFCT—the Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism—has led the way on some significant change. That is what we need to see across the board here, and we really need them all to come together.
On foreign influences, why does the Bill cover someone who “intends” to have a negative impact? Elsewhere, the Bill talks about behaviour that is “reckless” and individuals who “ought reasonably to know” that their behaviour would be damaging. Can I ask why there is this difference between the two? Surely it would strengthen this part of the Bill to have the “reckless” and the “ought reasonably to know” behaviour test.
At the end of the day, we are focused on individuals who are trying to do harm to our country. I will look specifically at that—obviously, I will—but intent is also based on the information and activity that can come together around some of the individuals. Right now, we are only referring to much of this on a case-by-case basis, but as we have learned with recent examples, some of which I might come on to, we can see the intent and the harm in the sequence of activity that has taken place around individuals.
(2 years, 9 months ago)
Commons ChamberI will give way shortly, but first I will make some progress, if I may.
This will be about hurting Putin and his vicious regime, which has robbed the Russian people of their chance for democracy, peace and prosperity—not only that, but even their own wealth has been used and abused by these kleptocrats and oligarchs. The reforms in the Bill will give us greater power and more information to identify and investigate the illicit wealth of Russian criminals, their allies and their proxies. The new property register will have an immediate effect, dissuading those intending to buy UK property with illicit funds. Oligarchs could be slapped with an unexplained wealth order—one of the tools that we will have at our disposal—and the Treasury will be better able to act when financial sanctions are breached. We are implementing the most severe package of sanctions ever imposed on Russia or on any major economy.
The right hon. Lady spoke about unexplained wealth orders. Does she have a commitment from the Treasury to ensure that the National Crime Agency and other agencies that deal with those orders are well financed?
The right hon. Gentleman makes a very important point; I am pretty certain that he has raised several times in this House the need for legal protections, finance and an approach that gives law enforcement the tools it needs. The Bill is doing that, and we are acting not only through legislation, but through the wider way we help agencies and law enforcement to function, operate and go after those who have been undermining our system.
(2 years, 11 months ago)
Commons ChamberI return to my earlier comments about vetting and the support that is currently in place. We can work together to close down any issues of concern. For the assurance of not just all right hon. and hon. Members but the British public, who will no doubt be watching this debate and wondering how on earth any malign influence could enter the heart of our democracy, we will continue to work collectively to make sure we put all the protective measures in place.
In her statement, the Home Secretary said it was a fact that this kind of activity has become more apparent, but the United Front Work Department has been in existence since 1949, it has a budget of £3 billion a year, and for many years it has used useful fools to propagandise its arguments. May I ask the Home Secretary about universities in particular? There is evidence, certainly from Australia and other countries where tough action has been taken, that the Confucius Institutes are backed by money from the United Front Work Department. Is it not about time we closed them down, and is she content that the Department for Education is responsible for monitoring this?
The right hon. Gentleman referred first to the prevalence of the activity that we are seeing. Yes, there is more activity, for a number of reasons. Technology changes, these threats evolve and develop with time, and tradecraft adapts and evolves as well. That brings me to his second point, which was about our academic institutions. This is the subject of an ongoing discussion. I have been in many committees where it has been raised, including the ISC, and it is being discussed across Government. He asks whether the Department for Education is doing enough. We have spent a great deal of time working with the Department.
Let me say something about the legislation that we want to introduce. We are learning from other countries, such as Australia—indeed, I had a bilateral meeting just last week. This is also part of the work of Five Eyes. A lot of work is being done to look at the institutional impacts of hostile state activity, alongside issues such as foreign agent registration. We want to get this right through future legislation, and that is what we are working on.
(3 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberUrgent Questions are proposed each morning by backbench MPs, and up to two may be selected each day by the Speaker. Chosen Urgent Questions are announced 30 minutes before Parliament sits each day.
Each Urgent Question requires a Government Minister to give a response on the debate topic.
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It is self-evident. I do not want to enter the confused politics of the Labour party when it comes to migration, ending free movement and all of that, because Labour has resolutely voted against everything that we have done on immigration since the general election. The Nationality and Borders Bill is an end-to-end approach. There is no silver bullet. If there was, clearly we would not be seeing thousands of migrants entering our country illegally; not only that—solutions would have been found by now. Wholescale reform is vital, which is why we have the Bill. I am the first Home Secretary in 20 years to look at end-to-end reform of the system. I have worked on that reform for 18 months and introduced it in February this year. I urge all colleagues, certainly on the Government Benches, to back the Bill and focus on its delivery.
In response to my right hon. Friend the Member for Leeds Central (Hilary Benn), the Home Secretary was clearly not a fan of the Dublin regulation, so will she explain what negotiations are taking place to replace it? Will she also explain what we would do with individuals if we moved them to Albania or any other third country, and they failed the asylum system?
First, I apologise to the right hon. Member for Leeds Central (Hilary Benn), because he did ask specifically about negotiations. There are a range of negotiations taking place, but he specifically asked about Dublin in relation to the EU. As he has heard me say already, that is an EU competency issue right now. We are having active discussions—this would not keep the Commission happy—with France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Germany, Italy, Greece, as of today Poland, and other countries. This is really important. They are having discussions with us because of their own frustration with the lack of progress in tackling wider long-term and long-scale issues around illegal migration, as well as returns and readmissions. All Governments are very much concentrating on these topics right now.
The right hon. Member for North Durham (Mr Jones) asked about third country offshoring. We will look at all options right now; it is right and proper that we do so. Not only that—we will look at resettlement routes for people who have entered our country legally and have no legal rights to be here. If they cannot be returned to their own country, it is right that we look at how we can resettle them elsewhere in the long term.
(3 years, 3 months ago)
Commons ChamberMy hon. Friend is correct in the case he is making. There has to be a fair degree of openness, honesty and transparency on the acts that have taken place; lives have been lost and today’s ruling is significant, so he is absolutely right in the way in which he has been making the case, and I hope he achieves the outcome he is seeking.
I thank the Home Secretary for her statement, and join her in thanking the security services and all those involved. The judgment sends a clear message that even though these individuals are outside our jurisdiction, we are not going to give up pursuing them. Will she share the intelligence behind the latest developments with the Intelligence and Security Committee? I welcome her commitment to implement the recommendations from the Russia report, particularly in respect of the registration of foreign individuals pursuing other states’ interests. Those recommendations are important, but there are existing weapons in her armoury that need to be used, including against the facilitators of these acts—the estate agents, lawyers, accountants in London. If she grasps that, and her new Security Minister grasps it, she could make some great progress and hurt the Russians very hard.
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his questions and the points he has made. He is right about the tools or levers that exist across government and across law enforcement—many strong laws are in place. As ever, this is about the application of the law and the levers that could help to denude capability further, so he is absolutely right on the point he makes. On the ISC, we will be in touch directly with the Committee after today’s statement, even on the basis of how information and intelligence is shared.
(11 years, 5 months ago)
Commons ChamberI welcome today’s debate and I, too, want to pay tribute to my right hon. Friend the Member for Charnwood (Mr Dorrell) for his comments. He clearly made some strong and valid points about expectations of the NHS and the required pre-requisite of expectation management. Yes, the debate is about funding and finance, but it is also about some of the significant challenges we face as a society and a country because of our changing demographics and our ageing population.
I pay tribute to the Government for prioritising investment in the NHS and in health and social care and for committing to increase spending on the NHS and health to more than £115 billion for the next comprehensive spending review period. I also welcome the measures they have introduced to focus resources on the front line and in particular to clamp down on NHS bureaucracy—my hon. Friend the Minister will know my views on that. I believe that the importance of making £20 billion of bureaucratic and efficiency savings should not be underestimated.
As we have heard, increasing demand on services requires more spending, but targeted specifically at the front line. In my constituency, a scandalous deficit in health care provision built up while Labour was in power as resources were soaked up by NHS bureaucracy. Across the former East of England strategic health authority, the number of senior managers doubled between 1997 and 2009 from 1,300 to 2,700.
Does the hon. Lady think that there has been any sense whatever in the top-down reorganisation? I know that in many areas managers have taken large redundancy payments from primary care trusts only to be re-employed weeks later by GP commissioning groups.
The answer to the hon. Gentleman’s question is yes. In the east of England, and certainly in Essex, there have been significant changes. The change to the structure has been specifically welcomed because resources are now going to the front line, which, for my constituents, is the most important thing.
The numbers of administrators and managers grew vastly in the PCTs that used to cover my constituency. I am afraid that we did not have one PCT—we had several. The number of managers and senior managers at the Mid Essex primary care trust and its predecessor trust increased tenfold from 10 to 102, while at the North Essex primary care trust the number went up from 25 to 84. By the time the Labour party was kicked out of office by the British public, the proportion of administrative staff had risen to one third, and between those two PCTs something like £25 million was spent on management costs alone—money that could have been much better spent on providing front-line services to my constituents and to constituents elsewhere in Essex and across the eastern region.
Although bureaucracy increased, health service provision in Witham town suffered as NHS managers completely neglected the area in favour of spending money elsewhere. As a result, Witham town’s GP surgeries are bursting at the seams. Almost 30,000 patients are registered across four practices with just 13.5 full-time equivalent GPs. That means that there are 2,200 patients registered per GP, nearly 50% more than the national average of 1,500 patients per GP.
My constituents report that they are struggling to register with a GP and are facing insufferable delays in getting appointments. One wrote to me, saying:
“Two doctors’ surgeries in Witham have refused to take me on, because the books are closed for new patients.”
Another said that they
“waited 12 days for an appointment with my GP. In the end, I was diagnosed with appendicitis.”
Unfortunately there will only be more such cases, exacerbated not just by our changing demographics but by housing growth, which creates greater pressures on existing practices. On Witham’s Maltings Lane estate, 1,700 new homes will be built, increasing the local population by more than 4,000. Other sites have been identified for development over the next decade, quite rightly bringing new homes and affordable homes to my constituents.
When Labour was in power, opportunities to bring in new medical facilities through section 106 agreements and other funding arrangements were completely spurned by the PCT managers, who neglected and ignored the situation and the strains of a growing population in the community. New GP practices could have been opened and new facilities to provide treatments and assessments could have been brought in to save my constituents from travelling to Chelmsford, Colchester or even Braintree, which involves considerable distances. That demonstrates how patients in my constituency were not being put first. It was bureaucracy that was being put first by the army of bureaucrats in charge of running the local NHS in my part of Essex at that time.
The Minister will understand the legacy of problems left to the town. I also pay tribute to him—like the Secretary of State, he has received a fair amount of correspondence and is well aware of the issues. One of the biggest challenges for the NHS today, with the increased investment that it has, quite rightly, received from the Government, is ensuring that the savings in bureaucracy that this Government are making are reinvested in providing new local health care services in Witham in particular. I hope that my hon. Friend will give a commitment to support our local efforts to increase health care provision in Witham, to ensure that my constituents of today and those of tomorrow, gained through new housing growth in particular, receive and benefit from a 21st century health care service.
With more money than ever being invested in the NHS, it is essential that those who are responsible for spending decisions and run our local NHS are also held to account. Accountability and transparency are key. We in the east of England have had from our ambulance trust the worst ambulance service in the country. It was run by a board of non-executive directors who failed to provide the trust with the leadership, skills and expertise required to address endless shortcomings and delays in ambulances attending to patients. Lives were put at risk, but despite the failures, a damning governance review and a “failing” report from the Care Quality Commission, the board bit the bullet and resigned only last Friday morning, following substantial pressure from MPs in the east of the region, including my hon. Friend the Minister, and a Westminster Hall debate last week. The situation was shameful and scandalous, because the board refused to go until the pressure became too much for them.
None of us can avoid the need for accountability and transparency. We have seen in Mid Staffordshire with the Francis review, in Cumbria, in the East of England with our ambulance trust, and now with the Tameside hospital trust—I think the chief executive resigned this afternoon—what can happen when NHS managers and directors get it wrong. They have to be accountable for their failures. Transparency is required. I recognise that the Government are taking this seriously and hope that at the end of the debate my hon. Friend the Minister will give details of steps that will be taken to remove failing directors and managers and, importantly, to replace them with people who have the skills and capabilities to put patients first and to deliver value for money. A huge amount of taxpayers’ money is used to pay for the NHS. It is only right and proper that all of us, including the public, should feel confident that the money is being well spent.