(8 months, 3 weeks ago)
Commons ChamberThe hon. Lady makes a good point and asks a good question. The threat is significant, but I should reiterate that it has failed, which I think points to the resilience of our democratic institutions. That does not mean that we should not be eternally vigilant—we will be. That work involves all parties across the House and candidates. A lot of the preventive work is being carried out by the Defending Democracy Taskforce, which is specifically looking at this issue under the Security Minister. The hon. Lady should be reassured that they have the bit between their teeth.
I thank the Minister for his statement. What we have seen is malevolent behaviour, and I am glad to hear some of the Government’s plans. However, Labour is committed to establishing a democratic resilience centre, so can I press the Minister to ensure that the Government consider following our lead?
That work is already in place under the Defending Democracy Taskforce and the wholly re-energised and newly founded National Cyber Security Centre, established under this Government with tremendous resource and energy. Whatever we call it, there is now a significant effort to ensure that we deter these things and that MPs and everyone across the political spectrum are in a much more secure position.
(1 year, 5 months ago)
Commons ChamberThe hon. Gentleman is right: we take a wholly unideological approach to educating girls and women. We go with what is most effective—with what works—and if the EU produces programmes that are good value for taxpayers’ money, we will of course look at them.
East Africa currently represents the world’s largest and most severe humanitarian crisis. We have allocated £156 million in life-saving aid across the region this financial year.
Oxfam estimates that one person is likely to die every 36 seconds in east Africa owing to food insecurity, but the “Integrated Review Refresh”, published yesterday, failed to acknowledge this unfolding crisis. Drought and famine have displaced nearly 2 million people in Ethiopia and Somalia recently. What further action can the Government take to support people on the ground and ensure that they can return home safely?
I am sure that when the hon. Gentleman has time to study yesterday’s “Integrated Review Refresh” in detail, he will see that it contains much to be welcomed in respect of the future of Britain’s international development leadership. However, he is right to talk about the intense humanitarian needs that exist in the area that he has mentioned. In Ethiopia we are helping to deliver humanitarian support to 8 million people, alongside efforts to promote water conservation. In Sudan, £320,000 vulnerable people are receiving food support thanks to British assistance. In South Sudan, 200,000 are receiving emergency food and nutrition, and in Somalia—which I visited in December—4.4 million people have received water, sanitation and hygiene support from Britain since 2018, and 3.2 million have received emergency food. The hon. Gentleman can therefore rest assured that we are absolutely on the case, and are doing everything we can to support the international effort to counter what may well be the fifth year of drought.
(1 year, 6 months ago)
General CommitteesI beg to move,
That the Committee has considered the draft International Fund for Agricultural Development (Twelfth Replenishment) Order 2023.
The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, my right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr Mitchell) would have been taking part in this debate, but he is travelling on ministerial duties in Turkey, visiting earthquake sites. He sends his apologies.
It is therefore my pleasure to present this order on the Government’s behalf and to seek the Committee’s support for a UK contribution of up to £36.96 million to the International Fund for Agricultural Development over the 12th replenishment period from 2022 to 2024. This represents a 44% reduction compared with our contribution to the 11th replenishment, in line with our international development strategy, which sets out how we will shift the balance of the aid budget toward bilateral programmes. This will give us greater control and flexibility over how taxpayers’ money is spent. At the same time, we recognise the importance of multilateral organisations such as IFAD. That is why we are continuing our support.
IFAD is unique. It is both a specialised United Nations agency and an international finance institution. It provides loans and grants to developing countries for programmes that improve food security and nutrition, support adaptation to climate change, empower women and increase incomes. IFAD is a comparatively small organisation, with a very specific mandate. It works exclusively in the rural areas of developing countries—where around 80% of the world’s poorest people live—to help to end extreme poverty and hunger. Most of those people depend on agriculture, and growth in this sector is up to three times more effective than in other sectors in raising incomes among the poorest. Investing in IFAD makes sense in order to reduce both poverty and food insecurity. Agriculture is crucial to economic growth, and in some of the least developed countries, it can account for more than 25% of GDP.
Covid-19 and climate change have had a devastating impact on the lives and livelihoods of some of the world’s poorest people. IFAD’s 12th replenishment consultation focused on supporting recovery and building back better. Since then, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has multiplied the threats for developing countries, exacerbating the risks of a food security crisis.
For the first time in two decades, extreme poverty is on the rise. Up to 828 million people faced hunger in 2021 worldwide, and the number of undernourished people has increased by about 150 million since the covid-19 outbreak. In 2021, a third of the global population was affected by food insecurity. IFAD12 is helping to respond to that global challenge. It has committed to reforms to continually improve its performance, and it was ranked first overall in the Centre for Global Development’s “The Quality of Official Development Assistance” report in 2021.
In the IFAD12 replenishment negotiations, the UK, together with the other member states, secured commitments from IFAD to allocate 100% of core replenishment funding to the poorest countries and at least 50% to Africa; to step up focus on climate change and ensure that at least 40% of core funding supports that; to dedicate at least 25% of core resources to fragile situations, particularly in the Sahel and the horn of Africa, strengthening collaboration with partners to help reduce humanitarian need; and to continue strengthening its focus on social inclusion, empowering women and girls, indigenous peoples and persons with disabilities.
I have just been looking through the House of Lords Library paper, “Horn of Africa: Projections of a famine in 2023”. It states:
“The Horn of Africa is experiencing its longest drought in 40 years. Compounded by high food prices and political instability, this has led to 36.4 million people suffering from hunger across the region…Although a famine has yet to be officially declared, it is projected to occur in 2023.”
How will cutbacks in the IFAD contribution affect the UK’s support for the horn of Africa?
I will cover that. The hon. Gentleman raises exactly the point about the challenges of food insecurity and the extended challenges that so many communities and countries face, not only because of the impacts of the disruption to supply chains from covid-19, but because the climate change impacts driving such things as famine are becoming more and more common.
Although IFAD is a small organisation, it will continue to focus on—and has made commitments to focus on—those countries most in need. Helping to improve their agricultural base and provide food opportunities for growth for those communities is at its heart. It is a relatively small organisation and, of course, if the challenges of famine hit countries and areas of Africa as they have done, the challenges for the World Food Programme and other organisations will continue to rise—that has been one of the great challenges. The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, my right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield, is in Turkey visiting the earthquake sites, and the work that Turkey did to help get the Black sea grain initiative up and running to ensure that Ukrainian grain could get out to some of those poorest countries, for which that grain was critical and delivered often by the World Food Programme, was really important.
So many of these disruptions happening all at once are putting our most vulnerable friends and neighbours under enormous strain. The hon. Member for Blaenau Gwent is absolutely right that finding funding in all our restrictive financial envelopes continues to be a challenge, but we are pleased to support IFAD and its 12th replenishment.
I thank the Minister for her response. Will she tell me in detail why there has been, or what has happened, with the 44% reduction in the UK’s pledge to IFAD, and about its possible effect on what is going on with a probable drought in the horn of Africa?
As I set out, redirecting our funding towards a more bilateral programme was a decision taken by the Foreign Secretary. My right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield, the Minister responsible for development, is working through that.
The realities of the challenges we are facing with limited budgets for ODA and the huge costs that the refugee crises are adding to the ODA budget mean that there is a reduction in the commitment this year. We have wanted to continue to make a contribution to IFAD’s replenishment, because we consider it to be an important and very effective organisation in helping to reach some of the poorest communities. I do not have the details of whether the horn of Africa will be in this. I am happy to write to the hon. Member for Blaenau Gwent about that specifically, because I do not have the details of the country-by-country plan.
This is my last contribution, and I thank the Minister for her response. I said “drought”, but I meant famine. I would be really grateful if the Minister could outline what resources are being made available to help with the famine in the horn of Africa.
I will ensure that my right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield writes to the hon. Gentleman with the appropriate information in the coming days.
I will set out IFAD’s aims over the coming replenishment period. It aims to increase the incomes of over 60 million people and help to improve the agricultural production of over 50 million people, while improving market access —the all-important aspect—to sell produce to over 50 million people and enhance the resilience of 28 million people, including, as the hon. Member for Blaenau Gwent mentioned, to the challenges that climate change is bringing to some of those communities.
The objective is to reach the most vulnerable people at risk of being left behind, and there is a particular focus on women, young people, indigenous groups and people with disabilities. For example, in Asia, where more than 418 million people are estimated to suffer from hunger, IFAD is supporting projects such as the adaptation for smallholders in Nepal, promoting climate-resilient farming and better community infrastructure. These are practical, targeted projects that can help to make a difference.
IFAD is also increasing its work on climate change, building on the UK-supported adaptation for smallholder agriculture programme to channel climate finance directly to the most vulnerable. The programme has reduced forest and land fires in Indonesia and boosted prosperity for local people. The challenges of bringing enhanced sustainable management to over 3 million hectares of peatland across Indonesia, for instance, have helped to prevent 20 million tonnes of carbon emissions and restore nature. IFAD is focused on those most critical areas.
IFAD is also partnering with the Green Climate Fund and others to help countries access larger pots of climate finance, particularly in Africa. That includes the joint programme for the Sahel in response to the challenges of covid-19, conflicts and climate change. The programme will strengthen the livelihoods of small producers, especially women and young people in very challenging, fragile contexts. Since its creation, there has been strong support across the House for IFAD and its impact on the lives of millions of the world’s poorest and most marginalised people.
I recommend that we continue our support to IFAD. In doing so, we will deliver our objectives to reach some of the world’s poorest people in countries with the greatest need, boosting food security and enhancing economic opportunities and growth. I commend the order to the Committee.
(1 year, 10 months ago)
General CommitteesI am grateful to my hon. Friend for that question. We do of course have an intelligence-led approach to sanctions. The good thing about the regulations is that they will expedite the way we work in lockstep with Government agencies and the private sector.
Organisations will no longer have to rely on non-sanction specific gateways or on the Treasury’s powers to compel the release of information from partners. We expect that that will give organisations confidence to share information so that Government can better pursue breaches and uphold the integrity of UK sanctions. Those changes are possible thanks to the Economic Crime (Transparency and Enforcement) Act 2022, which amended the sanctions Act in March this year.
The regulations also make changes to our various sanctions regimes in order to update definitions and clarify intentions. Those amendments ensure that the definition of “designated person” is consistent across regulations. They include a correction of the reporting obligations relating to the transfer of funds to a ringfenced account. They clarify that within the Libya sanctions regime it is not a breach of sanctions to credit a frozen account with interest, and they specify that Treasury licences would be available for the purpose of satisfying prior obligations.
I have just been going through the explanatory memorandum. On page 4 it states:
“No consultation has been carried out on this instrument”,
but it goes on to say that there was an earlier consultation, as regards the memoranda to the amended regulations. Can the Minister tell us how wide that consultation was and what the response was?
That is a very good question. I will gladly write to the hon. Member with the granular breakdown of the scale and depth of the response to that earlier consultation.
(2 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberUrgent Questions are proposed each morning by backbench MPs, and up to two may be selected each day by the Speaker. Chosen Urgent Questions are announced 30 minutes before Parliament sits each day.
Each Urgent Question requires a Government Minister to give a response on the debate topic.
This information is provided by Parallel Parliament and does not comprise part of the offical record
As I have said, I do not have any further details at this time. I have asked to see whether there are further details, but I do not have the details at this time. The Prime Minister, however, has announced that he is stepping down and will be making a statement shortly, as we know.
Why did it take until yesterday for the Prime Minister to admit that he had met a KGB agent in secret? Will there be a published report on this matter?
The Prime Minister was questioned yesterday, and he answered the question yesterday. Today is today.
(2 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberMy hon. Friend is spot on. NATO membership is key in promoting the rule of law. It is the most successful defensive alliance in history, and bringing Finland and Sweden into the NATO family will make it even stronger. That is exactly the opposite of what Russia thought it would achieve, but it is what is being achieved. This is a positive force for good for the world.
I thank the Minister for her statement: it is great that Sweden and Finland will be joining NATO. However, will her Government halt their cuts to our Army? We now have the smallest British Army for 300 years. We need to increase the size of our armed forces, not make the cut of 10,000 troops that the Government are still pushing through.
I refer again to what I said about being on track to spend 2.5% of GDP by the end of the decade. The hon. Member will have to discuss the details with the Defence Secretary and his team. It is important to remember, however, that we also need to invest for the long term in vital capabilities such as future combat air and AUKUS, as well as adapting to a more dangerous and competitive world. We need to be able to have these forward-looking alternatives as well.
(2 years, 6 months ago)
Commons ChamberThe hon. Gentleman is right that there is a difference. Those in this House understand that there is a difference between a legislature and a Government. The sanctions regime under which those sanctions have been brought forward is an extension of the pre-existing sanctions regime we brought forward in response to the aggression going into Crimea, rather than this one.
We are also ready to introduce new legislation, putting in place new measures which will prevent the Russian state from issuing sovereign debt on the UK markets. They will curtail the ability of the Russian state and Russian companies to raise funds in UK markets and further isolate Russian banks—touching on the point raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Thirsk and Malton (Kevin Hollinrake)—and their ability to operate not just in the UK, but internationally.
This will not end today.
I thank the Minister for giving way. The Intelligence and Security Committee report is now nearly three years old. Will the Government please publish it this week?
That is a very good question, but it has nothing to do with this SI.
Should Russia stage any further invasion into Ukraine, we will not hesitate to implement a comprehensive and unprecedented additional package of sanctions in close co-ordination with our allies around the world. That close co-ordination is important to ensure their maximum effectiveness.
(2 years, 7 months ago)
Commons ChamberOver 180 years ago, starting in Blaenau Gwent, thousands of Chartists marched on Newport. From across south Wales, they demanded reforms to elections so that common people could have their voices heard in Parliament. Since then, elections in our country have got more transparent, fair and open, but I am worried about voter suppression, and at stake is the very integrity of our elections.
We all know what is going on in America. Despite the highest election turnout in 120 years, the big lie has been amplified that Trump actually won in 2020. Since then, ordinary Americans are facing higher hurdles to vote in too many states. Raising the bar to lower voter turnout is what the Republican right is up to, and similar tactics here trouble me.
I am particularly concerned about the introduction of voter ID, so I am supporting amendment 1 tonight. Asking for voter ID seems reasonable: someone shows who they are to get a ballot paper. However, it is an old cynical trick: insert an administrative hurdle, dress it up as improving security, watch voter turnout go down—job done, the fix is in. Of course, voter fraud should be stopped, but impersonation is hardly an issue in the UK, and our independent Electoral Commission says the same.
The hon. Member makes the point that if we put an administrative hurdle, by which he means photographic ID, in the way of the voters the turnout would go down, but that specifically is not the evidence we have seen from Northern Ireland, where the Labour Government put in the requirement for photo ID, and it has been widely accepted and is a general part of voting there.
I thank the hon. Member for intervening, but those were exceptional times, and I will answer his case in my speech.
On that point, the evidential base that the hon. Member for Broadland (Jerome Mayhew) referred to is very clear. There has been success in Northern Ireland and voting turnout has increased, but the statistics also show that 98% of voters already have sufficient ID in place for voting, and we are almost there. All we need is for the other 2% to be done, and Northern Ireland will achieve that goal of having everybody with an ID. If we can do it in Northern Ireland, honestly, we could do it here as well.
I will answer those remarks in my contribution.
I sat on the Bill Committee, and I heard a High Court judge tell us that voter ID was not the solution. He said, and this is a judge who has done many electoral law cases, that asking for
“ID at polling stations, frankly, is neither here nor there.”––[Official Report, Elections Public Bill Committee, 15 September 2021; c. 15, Q13.]
The data shows that there were just three convictions for personations since 2016. The proposals really are a sledgehammer to crack a nut.
I am going to carry on.
We heard about terrible cases of fraud in Tower Hamlets, Peterborough and Birmingham, and of course they must be addressed. The key is for the Electoral Commission and the police to receive the resources needed to enforce our laws, because they do not have them at the moment. Again, the Government’s main witness felt there should be a hit squad at the Electoral Commission. That would make far better use of the millions that voter ID will cost.
We know that about 2 million people do not have the right ID, many of whom are from our most marginalised groups—older people, disabled people, minorities. The nub is that making it harder to gain their ballot paper means that fewer people vote. Reducing turnout undermines confidence in our elections and sows the seeds of doubt in our democracy. I am proud that British democracy was championed from Blaenau Gwent, but the Bill sets backwards the Chartist cause from nearly two centuries ago. I urge all Members who value our democracy to support amendment 1.
I am delighted to speak in this debate. The first thing I should say is in response to the Scottish National party Front Bencher, the hon. Member for Argyll and Bute (Brendan O'Hara): the betrayal would be not passing the Bill. I refer everyone who is concerned about it to my speech in the first Adjournment debate of this Parliament, where I set out in 15 minutes—I will not be able to shoehorn it into this speech—what has been happening in Wycombe. The idea that personation is not a problem certainly does not accord with my experience in Wycombe. [Interruption.] I am grateful that I have been asked how many have been prosecuted, as that is precisely the problem: it is not being prosecuted.
In that speech, which I hope Members will read, I set out time and again the problems we face, with offences not being prosecuted, sometimes even when we present the evidence meticulously. I will not refer to a court case in detail, but I am pleased that a prosecution is in progress before the courts and I say only that I hope it reaches a speedy conclusion. Once it is concluded, I may have more to say about it—it relates to postal votes. Some Members are kidding themselves, and if their elections are in the kind of condition that they say they are, I very much wish that Wycombe reflected their experience. However, I have to say that elections in Wycombe in some quarters need cleaning up, so I welcome the Bill.
I particularly want to speak to new clauses 15 and 1, amendment 1 and new schedule 1. New clause 15 was tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for North West Durham (Mr Holden), who is not in his place. I am grateful that it is a probing amendment, because it might be a problem if people could not register twice in two different council elections, but I am grateful he has put that point on the record, because there is more the Government could do on the integrity of the electoral roll. As I said in my Adjournment debate, at the last election I saw a WhatsApp message from someone I could name saying, “Right, I have voted in Birmingham. I am now coming to vote against Baker in Wycombe.” You could not make it up: an open admission of a fraud—[Interruption.] Indeed, we put these things forward.
I support the basis of new clause 15. In practice, the electoral roll does not always correctly list voters who are entitled to vote at a particular address, as the entry can often be out of date or we might find that an elector has registered fraudulently. If people are incorrectly listed on the register, that increases the potential for criminality, especially through absent voting. Not all EU nationals are correctly identified with a “G” marker, and we do know that foreign nationals sometimes vote in UK general elections, although they may not know that they are not entitled to do so.
On new clause 1 and 18-year-olds, I am clear that many of the 16 and 17-year-olds I meet in my constituency are thoroughly politically engaged and ready to vote, but we have to take a decision about when somebody is an adult. We heard some of the examples given in the debate. I would far rather we converged consistently on the age of 18, rather than talking about 16 and 17-year-olds.
I said in an intervention earlier, which the hon. Member for Nottingham North (Alex Norris) kindly acknowledged, that it is far more dangerous to vote Labour than to have a pint, and I would certainly stand by that, although I would be grateful for the opportunity to buy him a pint to discuss it. Amendment 1, from the Opposition Front Bench team, deals with removing the voter ID provisions, and I have touched on that already. We have already heard from Members that people will be able to get their ID, but some of the accounts of personation in Wycombe that I have heard are so egregious and yet somehow the officers on duty in polling stations have not felt able to report it and stop it. I hope my hon. Friend the Minister will be able to do much more to equip officers in polling stations to do their duty to uphold the law and make sure that personation is prosecuted. I would certainly be grateful if every instance of it was brought before the courts.
Finally, on new schedule 1, which is about making regulations on registration, absent voting and other matters, of course I support the Government, but I say as briefly as I can that they could have gone further. In the limited time available I simply say two things. The first is that voters need explicit information about their rights in election law, so that when they vote postally at home they know what constitutes an offence that infringes their rights. The other issue is that when a person wishes to challenge an entry on the electoral roll, although it is important that an accused person knows who is accusing them, let us make sure that that name emerges late in the process of a charge, so that we do not deter people from making inquiries.
(2 years, 10 months ago)
Public Bill CommitteesI am no longer giving way on that point.
That is not how we want to regulate our politics or our electorate. Charities should make points on their own—not in the way that SNP Members are saying, as if there are other political reasons that would be helpful to them, rather than the Government. They accuse us of playing politics, but it sounds to me as though they are the ones doing that.
In 2017, the Prime Minister called a snap general election. What would the Minister say to charities who find themselves in a similar situation after the Bill is passed?
I would say that all third party campaigning organisations need to be mindful of their spending. I believe that snap elections are a rarity, given what happened in 2017. They do not happen very often.
(4 years, 7 months ago)
Commons ChamberI think we should give credit where it is due, so I welcome the Government’s action on global health, particularly in addressing malaria and Ebola. The Government, campaigners in these sectors and our own health sector deserve a thumbs up for this vital work. I think the Foreign Secretary was right to emphasise these cross-party priorities today.
However, Blaenau Gwent needed three things in the Queen’s Speech: a plan for good jobs, better transport in our eastern valleys and action on public health. Unfortunately, the Queen’s Speech failed—failed—to deliver any of these. There is a Bill to protect pension schemes, and nearly 400,000 people have transferred out of pension schemes since the Government brought in what they called pension freedoms. But, at the same time, we have seen a significant increase in poor transfer advice and pensions scams that are costing people £4 billion a year, so it is important that this legislation ensures tough action against rogue financial advisers.
There is so much potential in my constituency of Blaenau Gwent. There are major firms such as Thales, which is setting up a new digital centre in Ebbw Vale. There are leading manufacturers such as Continental Teves, and excellent institutions such as Coleg Gwent, which is developing a cyber-security hub to train young people in this thriving sector. But we need the right support from the Government to help unlock this further. That is why we need a proper industrial strategy to create good, well-paid jobs for the future, with commitments like Labour’s pledge to build a new gigafactory producing electric car batteries in South Wales.
Secondly, many people in Blaenau Gwent need reliable public transport to access jobs in Cardiff. That is why we need prompt funding from the new shared prosperity fund to improve the Ebbw Vale to Cardiff train line. However, more than two and a half years since the fund was promised, we still have only vague details of how this will work and we have no real timeframe.
Finally, Blaenau Gwent has real public health challenges that need addressing. Locally, groups such as the Sole Sisters in Cwm and Parc Bryn Bach running club in Tredegar have really stepped up and are doing incredible work to help people improve their mental and physical health. But at a UK level, we still do not have, for example, a junk food advertising ban. As recent work by Richard Layard has shown, improving people’s mental health and wellbeing can save billions of pounds.
We need to celebrate excellent community groups and reinforce the work that they do by putting effective policies in place, so when it came to what Blaenau Gwent needed, what we got was a disappointment— reheated announcements and half-baked proposals, dressed up with some warm words. The Queen’s Speech Blaenau Gwent actually needed was a Labour programme, such as investing £250 billion in infrastructure to create jobs and strong action on public health. The election is over, but this Queen’s Speech has confirmed that Blaenau Gwent and our country need a Labour Government now more than ever, and I will continue to fight for this.