Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill

Lord Touhig Excerpts

Tuesday 26th February 2013 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Turner of Camden]

My Lords, briefly, I have tabled Amendment 30 in this group because the TUC wrote to me and pointed out, among other things, that if you left the Bill as it stood, with the protected disclosure being limited to something in the public interest, that could well be construed to mean that a worker would not be protected if he or she made a disclosure affecting the provisions on health and safety at work. The TUC wanted to make sure that a worker would be protected if he made a disclosure in regard to the health and safety and general interests of the workforce; that is the intention of my amendment. However, when I looked at the amendment moved by the noble Lord, Lord Low, it seemed to me that it covered practically everything, including that which I was intending to cover in my amendment. Therefore, it had been my intention not to move my amendment and to say that, instead, I supported Amendment 29 absolutely and completely. That is still my position.

[Lord Touhig]

My Lords, I warmly welcome the Government’s approach on the prevention of detriment from co-workers as set out in Amendment 34. This seems to well support the amendment tabled in the names of the noble Lords, Lord Low of Dalston and Lord Young of Norwood Green, and myself. It is good that there has been some agreement that there should be protection from bullying and harassment by co-workers, and that our concerns have been listened to. Right at the beginning, I thank the Minister, the noble Viscount, Lord Younger of Leckie, his predecessor, the noble Lord, Lord Marland, and their officials, who have actually engaged in discussions with a number of people. We have made good progress as a result.

In Grand Committee, I referred to the evidence of staff nurse Helene Donnelly at the Mid Staffordshire NHS inquiry. She was a whistleblowing nurse who told the Francis inquiry of how she was physically threatened by colleagues after raising concerns about the standards in the accident and emergency department. Robert Francis, in his report, drew upon her case and said that Mrs Donnelly was offered no adequate support. She had to endure harassment from colleagues and eventually left for other employment. Clearly, such treatment was likely to deter others from following her example; she was aware of colleagues on whom her experience had this effect.

I do not intend to detain the House, but this lady suffered all sorts of threats; she was told by colleagues, “We know where you live”, and she became so nervous that her parents or husband had to meet her in the car park when she left the hospital at night so that she would not have to walk across the car park alone in the dark. On one occasion, another nurse followed her into the toilet in their locker room, locked the door, demanded to know if she had any problems with her and began threatening her if she did. I fear that this is an example that could be repeated in many parts of the country. It is important that we make sure that people are protected when they act in the public interest and blow the whistle.

This has come up again recently. Despite the progress that we have made over the years in supporting and protecting whistleblowers, the recent case of Gary Walker, a former National Health Service chief executive, highlights another area of the law that needs to be examined, and that is gagging clauses. Mr Walker was a former chief executive of the United Lincolnshire Hospitals NHS Trust who raised a concern about patient safety, namely the pursuit of targets for non-urgent cases within the hospital to the detriment of urgent cases. The facts were similar to those of Mid Staffordshire, and following the publication of the Francis report, an inquiry was ordered into the United Lincolnshire Hospitals NHS Trust.

I am concerned about the use of public money, because I understand that Stephen Barclay MP, a member of the Public Accounts Committee in the other place, has received confirmation that £15 million of public money has been used to gag whistleblowers. I urge the Government to do more on this issue. An amendment on gagging clauses was laid in Committee, and I invite the Minister to look at it because, in my view—and I am sure that many in the House would agree—gagging people who work in the public service and have issues they need to bring to public attention, and using public funding to stop them from doing that, is quite improper. We should do everything we can to put a stop to it. This is not just a waste of public money: it is an abuse and a threat to our liberties.

--- Later in debate ---

[Viscount Younger of Leckie]

My Lords, government Amendment 32 is simply a matter of drafting. It divides into two clauses Clause 15, which, after the amendment made in Grand Committee, is rather long. This will make the provisions easier for people to read.

Amendment 33 is the government amendment on the good faith test in whistleblowing claims. Amendment 33 amends Part 4A of the Employment Rights Act 1996 to remove the requirement that certain disclosures be made in good faith. As a result, a claim will not fail as a result of an absence of good faith. Instead, the employment tribunal will have the power to reduce the compensation awarded to the claimant where it concludes that a disclosure was not made in good faith. This is an issue that my noble friend Lord Marland indicated we should return to on Report.

I note the argument that by introducing a public interest test the Government have inadvertently created a double hurdle for potential whistleblowers to navigate. To succeed, a claimant would need to show that they reasonably believed that the disclosure was in the public interest and that it was made in good faith. It is not the Government’s intention to make it harder for whistleblowers to speak out. It remains a government commitment that they have the right protection in law. However, I can see that by fixing the legal loophole created by Parkins v Sodexho in the way that the Government propose, there is a risk that some individuals may be concerned that it is too hard to benefit from whistleblowing protection, and therefore they will decide not to blow the whistle. We have listened to the arguments made by noble Lords on this point, but the Government remain unconvinced that the good faith test should be removed in its entirety. There are instances where it is important that the tribunal is able to assess the motives of a disclosure, even where it was in the public interest.

The judiciary tells us that the good faith test is well understood and utilised. As such, the Government have not sought to alter the substance of the test, but have reconsidered how it should affect the outcome of a claim. Currently, the good faith test can affect the success of a claim. This amendment moves the test so it will be relevant only when considering remedy. Instead of a claim failing, the judge will have the discretion to reduce a compensation award by up to 25% in the event that they find the disclosure was not made in good faith. We believe this to be an acceptable compromise, and my conversations with the noble Lord, Lord Stevenson, the noble Lord, Lord Mitchell, who is in his place, and the noble Lord, Lord Young, have assured me that this goes a good way to addressing their concerns.

Amendment 37 sets out the relevant transitional provisions for the whistleblowing provisions of the Bill. The changes apply only where the qualifying disclosure is made after the date on which this section comes into force. Amendment 92 provides for the commencement of most of the whistleblowing clauses of the Bill. I beg to move.

[Lord Touhig]

My Lords, on the good faith test, I certainly welcome Amendment 33, as I think it does mitigate the effects of the introduction of a public interest test as set out in Clause 15. The removal of the good faith test at the initial stages of a whistleblowing claim cuts down the number of hurdles that a whistleblower has to satisfy in order to establish a prima facie case. Having worked closely with the charity Public Concern at Work from the very first time I introduced a whistleblowing Bill when I was a Member of the other place, I know that it, too, welcomes the Government’s response here, as it certainly attempts to strengthen the protection of whistleblowers.

The publication of the Francis report, about which I spoke a moment ago, and the recent revelations about the NHS chief executive, show, in my view, that there is a compelling case for reviewing whistleblowing. We had attempted to persuade the Government in the past that the Public Interest Disclosure Act should be reviewed. I certainly welcome the Minister’s remarks. If I understood him correctly, he said that the Government will work very closely with Sir Anthony Hooper, who is to chair the commission that Public Concern at Work has now set up to look at these matters. I am very pleased that the Government will be co-operating with the commission. It will start taking evidence in March. It is in the interest of all of us that we make sure that as much information as possible goes to this commission so that if a strong case is made for further review, revision or amendment of the Public Interest Disclosure Act, we can do that together in the interest of protecting people who blow the whistle to protect us.

[Lord Young of Norwood Green]

My Lords, I welcome government Amendment 33, which implements an amendment tabled by my noble friend Lord Wills in Committee. This amendment addresses concerns that were raised across all sides of the House that the Government’s decision to introduce a public interest test to the Public Interest Disclosure Act would discourage whistleblowers from coming forward by placing an additional legal test on individuals in order for them to be assured of protection from retributive action by their employer.

It was already the case that in order for whistleblowers to qualify for protection under PIDA it had to be shown that the individual had made such a disclosure in good faith. Throughout the passage of the Bill, we have argued, alongside Public Concern at Work, the organisation that first lobbied for the protection of PIDA, that the combination of a public interest test with the existing good faith test will create legal uncertainty over how these two conditions should interact and potentially dissuade many more individuals from coming forward with concerns. As I and many other noble Lords have repeatedly said, now is not the time to be putting up more barriers to individuals who may blow the whistle but are scared of the consequences, as the Francis report highlighted.

The Government need to be doing all they can to foster a culture of greater openness and transparency within institutions such as the NHS in order to ensure that people feel supported and listened to when raising concerns. We welcome the move by the Government to remove the good faith test from PIDA, leaving just public interest as the primary test for any disclosure made in relation to protections under that Act. It implements what we have been calling for throughout, which is greater clarity and certainty around the Act, and we thank the Government for listening and responding to those concerns. I also endorse the points made by my noble friend Lord Touhig about the forthcoming commission and examining the need to review PIDA. Once again, I thank the noble Viscount and we will support the amendment.