Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Lord Taylor of Holbeach Excerpts

Friday 30th January 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Carter of Haslemere (CB)]

My Lords, I added my name to Amendment 84 since I think the noble Lord, Lord Frost, has struck gold with this amendment. Requiring

“unbearable suffering … which cannot be relieved by treatment”,

raises four critical issues at the epicentre of the Bill. First, his amendment exposes the total unreliability of a six-month prognosis of a terminal illness, as we have heard from numerous noble Lords. Trying to predict life expectancy is a hopeless exercise, especially when medical advances are improving at such a phenomenal rate. As the noble and learned Lord, the sponsor, said in relation to a prediction of six months to live, we are not dealing with certainty. I am with him on that.

Let me give the Committee an illustration from a real case. I know of somebody who was given a 5% chance of living for 10 years because he was suffering from an advanced aggressive cancer. It is not exact, but a 5% chance of living for 10 years approximates broadly to a reasonable expectation of dying within six months. That was 21 years ago and, as far as I know, I am still here—noble Lords will correct me if I have got that wrong. It does sometimes feel slightly otherworldly, listening to these debates.

Secondly, the requirement in Amendment 84 for unbearable suffering that cannot be relieved by treatment would have the obvious merit of bringing the effectiveness of palliative care into play, which is not currently the case as the Bill stands. As we know, the experts say that palliative care relieves pain in most cases and can help people who want to die to want to live. That is why a full assessment by a palliative care specialist is so important, as earlier amendments sensibly proposed. But the noble and learned Lord has said he is

“incredibly opposed to unbearable suffering as the root”

of this Bill. His view is unsurprising since the effectiveness of palliative care would significantly reduce the Bill’s impact.

So the noble and learned Lord falls back on the personal autonomy argument, telling the Select Committee that the essence of the Bill is autonomy—you have a choice, it is autonomy—and it would give people the option of an assisted death if they have simply had enough of life. This is the third issue that would be resolved by Amendment 84. Should the National Health—health—Service really be assisting a person to kill themselves if they have simply had enough of life, whether or not they are in pain and whether or not their feelings relate to their terminal illness? Is that what a health service should be doing? That starts to look very much like assisted suicide.

Fourthly, I respectfully suggest that the noble and learned Lord gets on the Clapham omnibus and asks anyone who supports assisted dying the reasons why they do so. Overwhelmingly, they will say that people should not have to suffer unbearable suffering. Yet, astonishingly, you will not find the words “pain” or “suffering” anywhere in the Bill. I read it word for word last night at great length to check that point. I could not find those words. Without any reference to unbearable suffering, there will be a massive disconnect between the public’s expectation and the Bill’s contents.

Let us be clear: the vast majority of the public are not on the edge of their seats watching our deliberations. Very few indeed will have read the Bill. They will therefore have a view of the Bill based on the common-sense assumption that people seeking an assisted death will be suffering unbearable pain. The compelling amendment from the noble Lord, Lord Frost, injects that common sense into the Bill by providing for that, and I heartily support him and Amendment 84.

[Lord Taylor of Holbeach (Con)]

My Lords, I am reluctant to involve myself in this debate, but I see this whole legislative process as being about practicalities in the end. It is good that we have had an exposition of the articulation of the motivation of the people seeking success for this Bill, but I am very concerned as a citizen because I think this is about palliative care and relief from suffering.

The Bill should have been about those very matters. However, it is not. It is about all the incentives, from government to public authorities. For those people that the legislation actually motivates, it is about promoting the idea that assisting dying—or assisted suicide—is available; whereas the medical profession prefers, and what all the medical colleges have said they want to see, is proper palliative care. We do not want a competition for the funding of one against the other. I can see that in individual and family lives—and the social life we have together, governed by a Government—the pressures are not going to be towards relief of suffering through palliative care but for assisted suicide. I do not agree with that and that is why I oppose the Bill.

[Lord Wolfson of Tredegar (Con)]

My Lords, I seek the indulgence of the Committee to say a word about my amendment. I am not speaking with my Front-Bench hat on, so to speak, because I understand that this group is going to carry on next Friday. I am in the middle of a trial and cannot attend then. I will speak to my amendment in this group now and will not summarise from the Front Bench but limit my comments to my amendment and the points which arise from that.

My Amendment 83B seeks to add

“despite any treatment they may be receiving”

It ties in with a point made by noble Lord, Lord Pannick, which I will come to in a moment because it is all tied together. The trigger for my amendment is in Clause 2(1), which reads:

“For the purposes of this Act, a person is terminally ill if”


and then there are two conditions, both of which have to be satisfied. The first is that

“the person has an inevitably progressive illness or disease which cannot be reversed by treatment”,

let us say—God forbid—one has pancreatic cancer, and it cannot be reversed by treatment. The second condition is that

“the person’s death in consequence of that illness or disease can reasonably be expected within six months”.

Two points arise out of that. First, there is the point which comes directly from my amendment, which would add

“despite any treatment the person may be receiving”.

Without this, it is unclear whether the six months is with treatment or without; in other words, you have pancreatic cancer and it cannot be reversed by treatment, so condition (a) is ticked. But when it comes to (b)—

“in consequence of that illness or disease”—

does it mean that illness or disease itself untreated or does it mean notwithstanding the treatment you have been given? I suspect it is the latter that the noble and learned Lord intends, but it is far from clear. It actually reads more like the former, although I suspect that it is the latter. That is why I tables my amendment, and I respectfully invite the noble and learned Lord to consider it. As I say, I apologise to him, the Minister and everybody if I am not here next week to hear the fulsome response.

The other point which arises from the “can reasonably be expected” wording is the question of whether that is the 50% point or not. I am sorry that the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, is not here, but it seems to me as a matter of law that if I have a legitimate expectation in public law, I do not need to have a more than 50% expectation of it happening. There was authority at the highest level in the House of Lords that “legitimate expectation” means reasonable expectation. I am comforted—as always—by nods from the noble and learned Baroness, Lady Butler-Sloss.

Therefore, as a matter of law, I can have a reasonable expectation of X, even if I do not think that X is more likely than not. That is an important point which perhaps the Committee will consider going forward. People are reading that as a 50:50 mean or median. However, I can have a reasonable expectation of it raining tomorrow, for example, even if I think there is only a 30% chance of it. That is a reasonable expectation: it is not more likely than not.

I do not want to stray too far from my own amendments so I will now sit down, but I am grateful to the Committee for its indulgence.