Budget Statement Debate

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Department: HM Treasury
Thursday 27th March 2014

(10 years, 1 month ago)

Lords Chamber
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Lord Razzall Portrait Lord Razzall (LD)
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My Lords, since the days of Asquith your Lordships’ House has been excluded from any direct influence on the Budget process, but the number of noble Lords who have put their names down to speak in this debate demonstrates how much we appreciate the opportunity to comment on the state of the economy and the potential political consequences that flow from it.

However cautious the Chancellor of the Exchequer and other Treasury Ministers have been, there can be no doubt that the UK economy is on the mend. Output is growing at its fastest rate since before the financial crash; unemployment is falling as new jobs are created in the private sector, as the Minister indicated—more than replacing those lost in the public sector; inflation at 1.7% last month is the lowest for four years and is now below the Bank of England target of 2%; and it is now estimated that by the last quarter of 2014 the economy will be greater in size than it was before the 2008 collapse.

For the two coalition parties the political challenge is clear. The result of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act means that we now know that the date of the next election will be the first Thursday in May 2015. To do well in that election, both our parties will have to demonstrate that the economic policies of the coalition are working and that a return to a Labour Government would put the economic recovery at risk.

As noble Lords will be aware, the coalition has been successful in persuading the electorate that the financial crisis in 2008 was the result of the Labour Government’s profligacy. I accept that this is slightly unfair as it ignores the effect of the subprime mortgage collapse in the United States, but the success of the argument is demonstrated by polling figures, which have consistently shown that the Government are better trusted to manage the economy than Labour. Of course, Labour has not been helped by the refusal of the shadow Chancellor, Mr Balls, to show any remorse for Labour’s period of economic stewardship.

The major attack from Labour, which the noble Lord, Lord Hollick, touched on, has been that growth is not resulting in an improvement in living standards. There are probably two main reasons for this, of which only one is the direct result of government policies. Clearly, the increase in VAT to 20% had a significant impact on household budgets which is still working its way through, but the major factor outside government control which is not often mentioned has been a significant adverse movement in trade prices. As Ben Broadbent, a member of the Monetary Policy Committee, has recently noted, for many years the terms of trade were in our favour. The emergence of China as a source of cheap labour sharply reduced the real price of goods. Our trading strength lay in services, the price of which rose steadily. However, this trend started to reverse in 2003. Growing demand from emerging markets produced a large rise in the price of commodities, of which we are a net importer, and the price of tradable services rose less quickly. Therefore, after a decade in which global trends helped to push down the real price of consumption for UK consumers, the past 10 years have seen the opposite.

On both those issues, it seems that the news is quite good for the coalition. Indirect taxes such as VAT are under government control, so I would have thought that before the election the Government would be unlikely to increase direct taxes, as they did between 2009 and 2011. The cost of imports seems to have stabilised and the prices of our services have started to rise.

The second big political argument in recent months has been over spending plans for the five years after 2015. The legacy inherited by the coalition in 2010 was the double whammy of an unsustainable deficit of government spending over income and a crippling government debt burden. George Osborne and Danny Alexander, the two relevant Treasury Ministers, have committed their respective parties to further steps to eliminate the deficit and reduce debt after 2015, although naturally there are disagreements to come between the two parties as to how in practice this will be achieved. In the mix of tax increases and spending cuts, I suspect that the Tories will be more likely to avoid the former, whereas the Liberal Democrats will not wish to rely solely on the latter. However, the two parties are united in opposition to Ed Balls’s recent proposals, which appear to concentrate solely on deficit reduction, ignoring the debt burden.

Will the coalition parties be able to claim in a year’s time that the economy has recovered on their watch? The portents are good at present. The polls are indicating a surge in economic confidence from both business and the consumer. Surveys by the employer organisations indicate a significant increase in proposals to invest. Although the overwhelming factor in the return of growth obviously comes from what Keynes described as “animal spirits”, the Government can claim some credit. I have often thought of government policy as analogous to a swan, sailing serenely on while declaring that there is no alternative to the austerity programme but underneath the water the legs are paddling furiously to create initiatives to promote economic activity: infrastructure spending, with Crossrail the largest infrastructure scheme in Europe; the regional growth fund; the Green Investment Bank and the business bank; the development of an industrial strategy by the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, with concentration on key areas of industry; and the stimulation of the housing market by the Help to Buy scheme.

So far as concerns the Labour attack on the reduction in living standards, which the noble Lord, Lord Hollick, referred to, I think that the news is also good. The increase in the personal allowance to £10,500 will clearly help the standard of living of the less well-off, and the improvement in living standards is beginning to show in the figures. The 1.7% headline rate of inflation was identical to the rise in pay in December and January. If you strip out the lumpy effect of bonuses, pay in January went up 1.8%, so incomes are now back to rising more than the rate of inflation.

Notwithstanding the return of confidence in the economy, I see two main pitfalls ahead. The first, to which the Minister referred, is our productivity record. Although real output is now more than 6% higher than in 2009, total real wages are lower. The feel-good factor from economic growth is not there, and by far the major factor in this has been the fall in productivity. Workers are simply producing less output than in the past. As the Minister indicated, a major key to increasing productivity and reversing the downward trend is more business investment, so the Government must pray that the confidence expressed in business surveys follows through to actual expenditure.

Secondly—I turn to a number of our Tory colleagues here—there is Europe. If the recovery in the eurozone stalls, as it is our biggest trading partner we will clearly feel the chill. More particularly, I have little doubt that if there is any chance of a referendum on Europe resulting in a vote to leave, business investment—the key to jobs and productivity increases, as we all accept—will falter. In 2012 for the first time ever Britain exported more cars than it imported. Can we imagine the multinational companies which own our major manufacturers committing significant new investment if they felt that the United Kingdom would leave the European Union?