Illegal Migration Bill

Lord Hannay of Chiswick Excerpts

Committee stage
Wednesday 14th June 2023 Lords Chamber

I think the most reverend Primate of all England has actually helped the Government hugely, and I would love it if the Government recognised that. On this Bill, I take the Church’s whip because, actually, it is right about the morality. Therefore, in order to help me, at least in some sense, also take the government whip, will this Minister listen to the most reverend Primate?

[Lord Hannay of Chiswick (CB)]

My Lords, I support these amendments that the most reverend Primate has put down and thank him, again, for initiating a whole day’s debate here last December on Britain’s immigration policy and the need to take an overall approach, a general approach, not just dealing with it like the little Dutch boy, running around sticking his finger in one hole in the dyke and another hole comes—that is what we are faced with with this Bill. The most reverend Primate is helping us to avoid the mistake of a patchwork approach, so I welcome these amendments. I think it is a shame, myself, that we should be debating this at this hour in the evening in a rather scantily attended House, just in order to save one extra day in Committee; it would have been much better to have had that.

The point that the most reverend Primate is making about the need for an overall approach—this long-term approach which Governments of both parties no doubt would stick to—must be the right one. The other point he has made very forcefully in this context is the need for international co-operation. That is also absolutely vital.

Unfortunately, as innumerable speeches in Committee have shown, there is a very strong view, supported by many outside this House and many international bodies, that the action in the Bill is contrary to our international obligations. That in itself is bad enough, but what is worse is that it is totally inimical to getting the wider international co-operation we will need if we are to handle these problems. If we insist on going ahead and breaking our international obligations, we will get zero co-operation from other countries which are also bound by them and which believe that they are being broken by the Bill.

I wish the Minister would listen to what I was saying rather than having a conversation. That would be very helpful. I will wait until he stops having his conversation. He has stopped; I thank him very much.

I think the Government need to address this point—oh dear, he is talking again.

If what we are planning to do in the Bill breaks our international obligations in the view of many of our closest partners—the ones in the rest of Europe, for example, without whose co-operation we will get absolutely nowhere with the measures being proposed—we are not going to get that co-operation. That would be extremely serious, with its knock-on effects on the trade and co-operation agreement and so on.

I hope the Government will listen carefully to this debate, on both the amendments in the name of the most reverend Primate, and see that there is a great need to go down that road.

[Lord German (LD)]

My Lords, I am pleased to offer our support from these Benches. The most reverend Primate has delivered what I would call a swerve ball: he has gone around the side of what is being proposed by the Bill and tried to find a route for what will follow it. He raised the issue of the Modern Slavery Act at the beginning, which we have debated in Committee as being something this Parliament has been very proud of indeed. All of that has been put to one side in order for the Government to make these short-term decisions.

It is interesting that, on many occasions, Ministers on the Government Front Bench have referred to the Bill as dealing with an emergency, whereas they have not yet recognised the context that what is happening is a global problem. The interesting figures at the beginning of the Joint Committee on Human Rights report on the Bill enlighten us:

“In mid-2022, the UN Refugee Agency … estimated that there were 103 million forcibly displaced people worldwide. Of those, 32.5 million are refugees and 4.9 million are seeking asylum — the highest number since the UNHCR was created in 1950. This number is likely to increase given the deadly conflict that has erupted in Sudan”.


Over the page, it says that we will not solve this on our own. Treating this as an emergency will never satisfy the issue that the Government are trying to address of trying to deal with the problem at source.

The Government say that they will stop criminal gangs with the Bill, but many in the Committee believe that this simply will not happen. Many of your Lordships believe that the Bill, as it stands, is as a gift to traffickers, who know that their victims will be too frightened of the threat of removal to approach authorities.

The logic behind the most reverend Primate’s amendment is quite clear to us, in relation to trafficking. It focuses on efforts to tackle the traffickers rather than penalise the victims. What most of us find most abhorrent about the Bill is that it tackles the victims to try to deal with a problem that is well beyond its reach. I absolutely support the view of the noble Lord, Lord Deben, on the supply chain process: it is just silly—not sensible—to think that it will work.

That is why we need a global and collaborative approach with international partners. That is what is needed when traffickers operate across national boundaries and borders. This amendment therefore addresses the question: what next? It puts co-operation front and centre of its approach and it seeks a role for the UK in which it is a leader, rather than a follower and a country trying to pull up a drawbridge. Trafficking is an abhorrent crime and we need to play our part in tackling the crime at source. It needs a global perspective and collaboration, rather than headlines with an election in mind.