King’s Speech

Lord Grade of Yarmouth Excerpts

Thursday 21st May 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Grade of Yarmouth (Con)]

I commend the noble Lord, Lord Forbes of Newcastle, on that amazing and practical analysis of where we are and what needs doing. I am somewhat nervous about following him. For the record, I declare that I have now rejoined the Conservative Party after four years as a non-aligned Peer coinciding with my tenure as chair of Ofcom, which I have now finished. I am therefore free to express some opinions again, which is a great relief, today on the Middle East specifically.

The UK has formally proscribed both Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist organisations. Both organisations are Iranian-backed proxy actors responsible for attacks on Israeli civilians, regional destabilisation and the deaths of British citizens. Does this not create a strategic inconsistency for British foreign policy? If the UK legally recognises Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist entities, should not British policy more clearly reflect support for democratic allies confronting those organisations directly?

The Middle East conflict is not solely a regional dispute: it intersects with core UK national security priorities identified in the SDR, including drone warfare, missile defence, cyber conflict, autonomous systems and hybrid warfare. Israel is already confronting these threats operationally and thereby represents a key strategic and defence partner for the United Kingdom and its allies. The humanitarian crisis from the war in Gaza cannot be separated from Hamas governance, militarisation of civilian infrastructure, aid exploitation and refusal to disarm. Palestinians themselves continue to suffer under extremism, corruption and institutional failure. Long-term Palestinian stability requires demilitarisation, anti-corruption reform, educational reform and the marginalisation of extreme actors.

Should the UK not therefore pursue a strategically coherent policy that: strengthens UK-Israel defence, intelligence and cyber co-operation; expands sanctions and international co-ordination against Iran and its proxy networks; supports post-Hamas technocratic governance and reconstruction in Gaza; promotes Palestinian education reform, anti-incitement measures and institutional transparency; and advances long-term regional stability, grounded in security, coexistence and, of course, democratic government?

Supporting Israel’s security and supporting a viable future for Palestinians are mutually dependent objectives, not contradictory ones. It is worth remembering that the Palestinians rejected coexistence in a state of their own on at least four occasions post-war. They do not want a two-state solution; they want a one-state solution which excludes Israel entirely from the Middle East map.

Following the UK’s recognition of a Palestinian state and the expansion of UK-Palestinian bilateral engagement, Britain now carries a greater responsibility to ensure that its political engagement and taxpayer funding support coexistence, transparency, educational reform and anti-extremism measures rather than incitement or radicalisation.

Recognition of a future Palestinian state should therefore be accompanied by clear expectations that Palestinian education systems promote coexistence, mutual recognition, tolerance and peace, while demonstrating meaningful reform, transparency and accountability consistent with international educational standards. Continued UK engagement should encourage bilateral Palestinian partners to implement measurable reforms in governance, education and anti-incitement frameworks.

Long-term Palestinian stability is impossible while extremism continues to dominate its political and educational structures. Following the 7 October attacks, Hezbollah’s deliberate escalation on Israel’s northern border forced approximately 60,000 Israeli citizens to evacuate their homes. Despite ceasefire arrangements and sustained international pressure, Hezbollah continues rebuilding military infrastructure and resisting disarmament.

The window for a structured disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration process, supported by regional actors including Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, modelled in part on the framework the UK helped to shape in Northern Ireland, may be narrowing. I hope the whole House would welcome some enlightenment from the Government on how they intend to capitalise on Iran’s and its proxies’ current state of weakness.