National Insurance Contributions (Secondary Class 1 Contributions) Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Fuller
Main Page: Lord Fuller (Conservative - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Fuller's debates with the HM Treasury
(1 month, 2 weeks ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, since the Great Reform Act of 1832, local authorities have been an integral part of our nation. Joseph Chamberlain unleashed the powers of municipal entrepreneurialism in the 1800s, bringing gas and clean water to the growing metropolis of Birmingham. A new council in Stevenage was created for the first new town, complete with a traffic-free zone opened by Her Majesty the Queen; I know that the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor of Stevenage, has done her bit to shape that town since. To bring us right up to date, the leader of Cornwall Council—another Taylor: my friend Linda Taylor, who has announced that she is stepping down in May—has championed a space port in her county. I congratulate her on those efforts and thank her for her service to the local government family. All those activities are about the 140 things that local authorities do for every family in every street and in every neighbourhood.
For the past 14 years, I have been a vice-chairman of the Local Government Association’s economy and resources panel. Alongside the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor, I led all the district councils in England for our respective parties during Covid, and I remain a councillor, so I know that council finances in England are under pressure like never before. Reductions in grant funding, increases in the scale and complexity of service demand, and the recent spike in inflation and wage costs have created the perfect storm for our town halls.
The fundamental challenge facing the sector is that cost and demand pressures are rising faster than funding. Although inflation has fallen steadily since its peak in 2022-23, significant cost and demand pressures remain in the system in council services. In essence, council revenues tend to grow linearly with the growth in the wider economy; lately, however, costs have grown geometrically in councils, with the demands from homelessness, children’s social care, adult social care and home-to-school transport growing fast and likely to get even worse. The Covid overlay is, of course, a further aggravation.
There comes a moment where the lines of income and demand diverge so much that the gap becomes unbridgeable. That moment was already upon us before the national insurance announcements, and I want to explain its serious and consequential effects. Of the 140 activities undertaken by councils, three are responsible for nearly two-thirds of all the cost: social care in adults and children, and special educational needs. These pressures have seen the greatest increase in cost.
We should get some numbers on the record for the Minister. Increases in cost and demand in adult social care have risen by £3.7 billion—that is, 18%—in the five years since 2019. Spending on children’s social care has increased by 25.7% in real terms in the five years from 2019 to the current year. Growing numbers of children with education, health and care plans mean that money spent on home-to-school transport has risen by 62.7% in the five years to this year. Taken together, the increased demand for services for children with special educational needs and disabilities results in an unexpected current account deficit of £5 billion this year for those services.
My Lords, so often councils and other organisations indulge in special pleading for an exceptional case here or a particular need there. This small debate on my Amendment 70 has shown the gravity of the situation that councils find themselves in. It is the cumulative impacts of this exceptionally damaging proposal which will harm the most vulnerable and those in greatest need. The debate has also shone a light on the efficiencies that councils have taken in aggregate since 2010. Over £24 billion-worth of annual savings have been made by councils, if one takes into account inflation in that period. It has allowed them to keep the wheels on the wagon while suffering a 22.2% reduction in core spending power.
However, there comes a moment when you cannot keep trimming the fat—there is no more fat to trim. This £1.227 billion additional burden on council-tax payers, who are paying their council tax out of their own taxed income, is a real number. I do not dismiss it, as the Minister suggests when he says that it is just an external number and that the Government do not believe anything that does not come out of the Treasury. We heard that argument on the agricultural property relief, for example. “Just trust us on this” is not something that we want to do.
We cannot keep hollowing out local government. I proposed a remedy. Through the Section 34 mechanism, this assessment can and should be made. We can then have a debate, not just for this year but in those following the comprehensive spending review, on what the additional burdens will be. We need to get down to real numbers. I mention Harlow, simply because my noble friend Lady Neville-Rolfe did so. Harlow’s increase in national insurance contributions this year on a £10 million or £11 million budget is over £1 million—and the Government have just given them £198,000. That is the quantum of the shortfall. Not only has that cost been made but their core spending grant has been cut by 21%.
I will not say much more, but we have placed a marker on this point. I am disappointed that we have not answers to all the points. Not having an answer to those questions which I and my noble friends asked invites representations on Report. I expect my noble friends and I will return at that point. In the meantime, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
National Insurance Contributions (Secondary Class 1 Contributions) Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Fuller
Main Page: Lord Fuller (Conservative - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Fuller's debates with the Cabinet Office
(1 month ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I rise briefly to speak to Amendment 43 standing in my name on the Marshalled List. I know that it is late, but my purpose here is to probe whether the Government really understand and appreciate the impact, damage and hurt that these national insurance proposals will visit upon councils, those who work with them to deliver essential services and the users of those services—in many cases, the most vulnerable in society.
Since the Great Reform Act 1832, local authorities have been an integral part of our nation. Joseph Chamberlain unleashed the powers of municipal entrepreneurialism in the 1800s to bring gas and clean water to the growing metropolis of Birmingham. Councils sweep the streets. They collect the bins and run parks. They issue planning permissions and curate the conditions to build the national economy one local economy at a time.
I am a councillor and, for the last 14 years, I have led local government finance for Conservative councillors at the Local Government Association. I have seen it all. My noble friend Lord Pickles once said that there are only two people who really understand local government finance. I am not saying that I am one of those experts, but I am one of the small number of people who does more than most to celebrate the 140 things that councils do to make a civil society for every family, every street, every neighbourhood and every day.
That is why I know that councils’ finances in England are under pressure like never before. Reductions in grant funding, increases in the scale and complexity of service demand, and the recent spike in inflation and wage costs have created the perfect storm for town halls. The fundamental challenge facing the sector is that cost and demand pressures are rising faster than funding. While inflation has fallen steadily since the peak, significant cost and demand pressures remain in the system. In essence, council revenues tend to grow linearly with the growth in the economy, but lately costs have grown geometrically. There comes a point where the lines of income and demand diverge so much that the gap becomes unbridgeable.
Some of the reasons for this geometric growth have been demographic: as society ages, demand increases disproportionately. Some of them have been countercyclical: as the economy stutters, demand in respect of homelessness, for example, increases. There have been some consequences of changes elsewhere in the state. Well-meaning changes by the DWP, for example, have driven up councils’ second order spend on home-to-school transport by 62.7% in the five years to 2024. Of course, the Covid hangover has made things worse. We have already reached the moment where the gap between income and expenditure has become unbridgeable, and that is before the impact of national insurance on councils and their tied contractors, which is the subject of my amendment.
This is not a case of a Tory crying wolf. Just last week, the MHCLG announced that in the financial year 2025-26—next year—the Government have agreed to provide 30 councils with support to manage financial pressures via the exceptional financial support process. For eight of those councils, this included agreement to support in prior years. These are just the canaries in the mine. In aggregate, three services are responsible for two-thirds of all the cost—adult social care, children’s social care and SEND—and these pressures have seen the greatest increases.
Let us get some numbers on the record. Increased costs and demand in adult social care have seen a rise of £3.7 billion, which is 18% since 2019-20. Spend on children’s social care increased by 25% in real terms in the five years from 2019 to this year, owing to the increasing complexity of need and rising placement costs. The Labour-run LGA tells me that, by 2026-27, these cumulative pressures will have added 12.5% to the cost of delivering services in the two years since last year, leaving councils facing an annual funding gap of £6.2 billion across the two years from 2025 to 2027, just to maintain services at 2024 levels.
These pressures come on top of councils having already absorbed a 22.2% real-terms reduction in core spending power from 2011. That is before Labour produced its reckless war on the countryside by cancelling the rural services grant. This cannot carry on. There is no more fat to trim, and I want to explain why this is so serious and consequential, because we get to the nub of the matter.
My Lords, I am conscious that it is late, and I do not sense any appetite to divide the House on this matter. I regret that the Government do not really appreciate the magnitude of what they are visiting on local authorities and, in particular, on those people, some of the most vulnerable in society, who rely on the council to fight for them and act in their corner. We are in a really sticky situation in local government, and I am not hearing any reassurance or even any acceptance that they are making a £6 billion hole over the next two years that is going to be visited on every town, street and community.
I am disappointed by the brevity and lack of detail in the Minister’s response. But I accept that it is late at night and am conscious of the time, so I will withdraw my amendment with regret and hope that at some stage the Government will at least take away the importance of this matter so that it is taken full account of in the comprehensive spending review. Councils cannot afford to carry this alone.