Autocrats, Kleptocrats and Populists

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts
Thursday 3rd February 2022

(2 years, 5 months ago)

Grand Committee
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Lord Collins of Highbury Portrait Lord Collins of Highbury (Lab)
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My Lords, I, too, thank my noble friend Lord Browne for his excellent introduction to a wide-ranging debate. I also thank all noble Lords for raising such important issues.

As we have just heard, the UK has had a pivotal role in promoting globally the rule of law and democratic values through multilateral institutions, as a permanent member of the Security Council, as a significant player in NATO and, as the noble Viscount, Lord Eccles, reminded us, as a principal contributor to the World Bank and IMF. We should also not forget our leading role in promoting globally the UN target of spending 0.7% on ODA, and the leadership role we played in initiating the UN’s global goals, which established a reputation for the United Kingdom as a trusted partner across the world.

Our influence is not restricted to relationships with Governments. As the noble Lord, Lord Alton, said, our renowned institutions such as the BBC World Service, our universities, as well as the export of music and other cultural assets have given us huge soft power that we should not underestimate. However, I should say to the noble Lord, Lord Balfe, that the ingredients of a thriving democracy are not limited to Parliaments and parliamentarians. Civil society organisations such as women’s organisations, charities, faith groups, trade unions and other organised communities have all demonstrated their role in defending democracy and human rights.

When nations fail in their most important task of providing safety, security and freedom for their people, it is always civil society that leaps first to their defence. As the noble Lord, Lord Howell, highlighted, the Foreign Secretary said in her Chatham House speech that efforts to build a “network of liberty” must be firmly anchored in human rights and civic freedoms.

We must strengthen our ties with civil society, too. Unfortunately, there was little of substance on this in the Integrated Review, a situation that I hope will be corrected in the development strategy due in March. Clearly, in promoting our values we should work with our democratic allies bilaterally and multilaterally through the UN and other institutions. However, as my noble friend Lord Browne said, we do so against a backdrop of a series of states falling backwards into autocracy, kleptocracy and populism, and led away from the principles that have defined us as a country. As the noble Lord, Lord Hannay, highlighted, it is vital—I repeat, vital—that our words match our actions both at home and abroad.

The noble Lord, Lord Londesborough, reminded us of the Freedom House reports. Other democracy indices show that autocracy has been spreading for the past 15 years. That was recognised in the Integrated Review, which outlines how the UK will respond, including through the Westminster Foundation for Democracy and other organisations that support good governance and civil society around the world.

We talk about how important that is, but my understanding is that the WFD’s funding has been cut. Surely, at this time, it should be increased to support the fight against autocrats—and, as the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, said, at a time when global Britain, which led the way on 0.7%, cuts that and breaks the law. I hope the Minister will talk about how we will return to 0.7%. We have also seen the cuts to the BBC, the very thing that the noble Lord, Lord Alton, highlighted. The impact on the World Service will be disastrous, particularly in Russia and Ukraine, where it plays a really important role.

On the borders of Ukraine, we can see all too clearly that autocracy is a danger to global security. Russia’s aggression towards its neighbour is a product of a political system that also starves people of their human rights. The United Kingdom should be a more confident supporter of a free civil society in Russia while also acting domestically to confront those who attempt to export their kleptocracy through illicit finance.

I remind noble Lords—as I did earlier in the week—that a 2018 report by the other place’s Foreign Affairs Committee warned that

“turning a blind eye to London’s role in hiding the proceeds of Kremlin-connected corruption risks signalling that the UK is not serious about confronting the full spectrum of President Putin’s offensive measures.”

That is so true, as we have heard in the debate today. Like the noble Lord, Lord Wallace, I would like the Minister to answer the questions I put to him on Tuesday on the full implementation of the ISC Russia report. Also, when are we going to properly tackle the scandal of how 700 Russian millionaires were fast-tracked for British residency via the so-called golden visa scheme? The Foreign Secretary’s response on Monday was not satisfactory, and I hope the Minister can properly deal with that. I also repeat the call: when can this House expect to consider the economic crime Bill, which is such a vital tool in addressing these issues?

Following President Biden’s virtual summit for democracy last year, what steps have Ministers taken to mark the agreed year of action? Since the summit, President Biden has spoken of the need for political leaders to look inwards at how they can strengthen democracy at home, but under this Government our norms and standards have been undermined. The criminalisation of peaceful protest under the policing Bill was just one example. They lessen our legitimacy to stand up for democracy globally, which is vital.

As the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, said, our leaders need to uphold those standards. The disgraceful attack on Keir Starmer by Boris Johnson has resulted in his own director of policy resigning today. I hope the Minister will be able to address the contents of the letter that she wrote to Boris Johnson; it actually says why it is important that we uphold those standards.

The United Kingdom should be a proud champion of democratic principles and standards, and their promotion should define our foreign policy—but we must also invest in those standards and in democracy at home.