Rape in Armed Conflict

Lord Collins of Highbury Excerpts
Wednesday 9th January 2013

(11 years, 11 months ago)

Lords Chamber
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Lord Collins of Highbury Portrait Lord Collins of Highbury
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My Lords, I, too, pay tribute to the noble Lord, Lord Lester, for initiating this important debate. Wartime sexual violence is one of history’s greatest silences. However, as my noble friend Lady Kinnock described, since the 1990s there has been an increased awareness of sexual violence in wartime due to the significant impact of armed conflicts on civilian populations. According to UN Women, 90% of casualties in contemporary conflicts are civilians, and the majority of those are women and children.

Sadly, the effects often continue beyond war. Post-conflict studies from Rwanda, where up to half a million women were raped during the conflict, show a spiral of continuing violence against women. The same cycle is being repeated in Syria right now, with reports from organisations like Human Rights Watch of Syrian government forces and militias sexually abusing girls as young as 12.

This country needs to live up to its commitment to protect women. Violence against women as a tool of war remains one of the least prosecuted crimes; we have to do better to ensure action against the perpetrators. However, we must be tough not only on the crime but its causes. This means that we must tackle the underlying problems of lack of empowerment, education and inclusion.

The unanimous adoption 12 years ago of Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was a landmark decision in which the situation of women in armed conflict was specifically addressed. The resolution called for their participation at all levels of decision-making on conflict resolution and peace-building. The UN recognised that women’s exclusion from peace processes not only contravened their rights but weakened the prospects for sustainable peace. Since the adoption of Resolution 1325, four supporting resolutions have been adopted by the Security Council. All focus on three key goals: strengthening women’s participation in decision-making; ending sexual violence and impunity; and providing a system of accountability. Together, the resolutions provide a powerful framework and mandate for implementing and measuring change in the lives of women in conflict-affected countries.

As a member of the UN Women executive, Britain has a responsibility to help ensure that UN Women has commitment both from us and the international community. I hope that the Minister will reassure the House that the Secretary of State for International Development, Justine Greening, will make that a priority. UN Women has great potential, but that potential will not survive without our support. Currently it does not have the long-term backing that everyone agrees is necessary for the organisation to take off. The aim is to join up the work that is done across the UN on gender equality and women’s empowerment, pooling resources and effort to increase its impact and reach.

As we have heard from the noble Lord, Lord Lester, and others in tonight’s debate, girls and women who are raped and become pregnant have rights under the Geneva Convention to have full medical care, which must include their choice of an abortion. I repeat the clarification sought by the noble Lord on what appear to be contradictory statements previously made to the House by the Minister. Due to time limits I will not repeat the exact quotes, but it is vital that we have clarification on this issue.

I also want to repeat the question and the point made by my noble friends, in particular my noble friend Lady Kinnock. Will the Government follow the call by Norway to seek changes in the American Government’s attitude on this important issue?