Welfare Reform and Work Bill Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Best
Main Page: Lord Best (Crossbench - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Best's debates with the Department for Work and Pensions
(8 years, 10 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, the noble Earl, Lord Listowel, and the noble Baroness, Lady Manzoor, have added their names to Amendment 73, which covers similar ground to Amendments 86 and 90A in the same group. I am grateful to both Shelter, which has just released an important report on the alarming rise in homelessness, and the Local Government Association—I declare my interest as a vice-president of the LGA—for their input.
The amendment addresses one specific housing aspect of the proposed new benefit cap. Of course, it is because of the high level of housing costs that, in so many cases, the benefits to which some families are currently entitled will exceed the Government’s new cap, as several noble Lords have already remarked. If the cap is set at £385 per week outside London, then the family in south Wales paying £65 per week for their council house is unlikely to be adversely affected. However, where an identical family lives in private rented accommodation in the south-east with a rent of £250 per week—and for a family with more than two children rents can sometimes be appreciably higher—they are in big trouble.
Earlier pleas for local, not national, caps have led to a differential for London, as we heard in our earlier discussion, but one level for London and one for every other region is pretty crude. The position is in fact rather worse in much of London, where a family may face a rent of £350 per week, as against a proposed new cap of £440 per week for all support—that is, leaving the family with just £90 per week to cover everything else after paying their rent. It is high housing costs that so often cause the problem of high benefit costs. This is an overarching problem facing the cap and it is going to cause huge problems for tenants, landlords and the Government.
This amendment covers only a narrow aspect of the problem but it is a highly significant one. It covers families and individuals placed in temporary accommodation by their local authority. Families accepted as homeless by local authorities under the Housing Act 1996 have to be found somewhere to live. To meet their statutory duty to house these homeless households, councils make use of temporary accommodation, which is usually provided in the private sector via a housing association or directly by a private landlord. Not only will the rent for this temporary accommodation be relatively high because of the high turnover and high management costs but councils have to add an administrative charge on top. The total rent, therefore, is likely to mean that the family’s requirement for support takes them well over the new cap.
However, the family cannot go anywhere else—they are homeless, or just about to be so—and must accept the temporary accommodation on offer. They cannot negotiate over the rent: it is predetermined for them. They are stuck, but often only temporarily. Hopefully, in due course, with help from the local authority and often from one of the homelessness charities, the family will find its way into somewhere more permanent and at a more reasonable rent. However, while in the temporary accommodation, there is no option but for the rent to be paid, even though this would absorb almost all available support within the cap.
This amendment, therefore, looks at an exemption for those in temporary accommodation for a fixed period of 39 weeks. This is the same period of grace as for those who have lost their job. Those who are made redundant or whose employer goes bust, or those who lose their job for other reasons, need time to get a new job. It would be counterproductive to penalise a tenant by imposing an immediate benefit cap with the likely outcome of them incurring debt and/or having to move away from work opportunities. In just the same way, those who lose their home require a few weeks, at least, to secure a new place to live.
The Minister will well remember the amendment I proposed to the previous Welfare Reform Bill for a period of grace from the benefit cap for those who lost their job. On that occasion, the Minister generously decided to improve upon my suggestion of a 26-week period of grace, substituting a 39-week period. I now look forward to the same treatment for those who have lost their home and had to move to temporary accommodation. These people too need a period of grace to get back on track. The 39-week grace period would apply when a council accepts a household as homeless or about to become so. This would enable the rent to be covered in their temporary accommodation for a sufficient period, and in many cases enable them to secure new employment and/or find a proper home, hopefully at a more reasonable rent.
I am familiar with one case where a family lost their shorthold tenancy in Hillingdon. The landlord decided not to renew their tenancy—I guess because he was planning to raise the rent above the level for which housing benefit and local housing allowance has been available. The family became homeless and were housed in temporary accommodation in Slough. The two children remained at their schools in Hillingdon by getting up extremely early and getting home very late, with their mother also travelling daily from Slough to desperately try to retain links to job opportunities in Hillingdon. She succeeded, somewhat against the odds, and the family is settled, albeit paying a higher rent, back in their home borough.
A period of grace prevents drastic decisions being taken to move families to a low-cost area miles away, far from work opportunities, schools and networks of family and friends. The 39-week grace period makes complete sense, as the Minister’s earlier amendment did, which provides this same period of grace for those who lose their job. A precedent exists already for exempting a family that has to move in dire circumstances. This is the exemption for households supported in temporary accommodation because they are fleeing domestic violence. There are precedents, therefore, both for a 39-week grace period and for exempting vulnerable groups that have to go into temporary accommodation.
I am rather nervous the Minister may respond that, as with other cases where a household has difficulties with support for housing costs, the allocation of funds to local authorities for discretionary housing payments, or DHPs, could take the strain. I know that the noble Lord, Lord Kerslake, will pick up on this point, with particular reference to the difficulties of stretching the rationed DHPs in London. Picking up the cost of rent for families in temporary accommodation whose benefits are capped already absorbs up to 60% of the discretionary housing payments in some London boroughs. The lower cap will mean an additional call on DHPs that will be positively overwhelming in the hardest-pressed places, bearing in mind that these discretionary payments are meant to fill so many other gaps, not least where all are agreed that the so-called bedroom tax should not be payable. Moreover, it is hugely increasing the administrative burden on councils to ask them to exercise discretion on a case-by-case basis on a much bigger scale.
The other grounds on which the Minister might suggest that this amendment is not a good idea is that the new lower cap will coerce councils into negotiating lower rents with landlords. But local authorities are already finding it extremely difficult to persuade landlords to enter into these temporary accommodation agreements, and the existing financial system—quite properly aiming to keep families out of bed-and-breakfast hotels—already strongly incentivises councils to get the rents down. Therefore, I do not think that there is mileage in this argument.
Would there be a cost to government in allowing a period of exemption from the cap for those placed in temporary accommodation? Yes, but this is time-limited and a concession that represents a trifling expenditure in the wider context and saves huge costs—perhaps lasting a lifetime—if councils, in fulfilling their statutory duties, feel compelled to dispatch families to the cheapest areas of the country where their employment prospects are much lower, children are likely to be badly hit by changing schools and all the family will miss local networks of friends and family. I hope very much that this amendment appeals to the Minister. I beg to move.
The noble Earl will be aware that an enormous amount of research is conducted in this area. I will write to him with anything specific that I can on our research proposals.
I thank all noble Lords who have participated in this mini debate, and particularly the noble Lords, Lord McKenzie of Luton and Lord Kerslake, for their contributions to one of the key housing aspects of the wider debate on the benefit cap. The noble Lord has found a fundamental flaw, as he sees it, in the argument in favour of temporary accommodation being exempted: that there will be no incentive for those who are placed in such accommodation to move for the full 39 weeks, because as soon as they do they will no longer be exempt from the cap. This is a consideration I shall have to ponder in some depth, and I am grateful to the noble Lord for explaining it. I fear that the position already is not that the vast majority of people will not be affected by this arrangement, because we know that an awful lot of families are being moved well away from the place where they are most likely to get a job, where their children go to school and where they have their family and friends close by to help them. A high proportion of families are now having to move a long way away because of the need to keep down the cost of temporary accommodation. We will have to think some more about this issue, but in the mean time, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.