Death of Alexei Navalny Debate
Full Debate: Read Full DebateLord Ahmad of Wimbledon
Main Page: Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon (Conservative - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon's debates with the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office
(10 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, with the leave of the House, I shall now repeat a Statement made in the other place by my honourable friend the Minister for Europe on the death of Alexei Navalny. The Statement is as follows:
“I am sure that I speak for the whole House in sending our deepest condolences to Mr Navalny’s family, friends and supporters. We are appalled at the news of his death.
Mr Navalny dedicated his life, with great bravery, to exposing corruption. He called for free and fair politics and held the Kremlin to account. He was an inspiration to millions, and many Russians felt that he gave them a voice. The Russian authorities saw him as a threat. President Putin feared even to speak his name. Putin’s Russia imprisoned him on fabricated charges, poisoned him and sent him to an Arctic penal colony. Mr Navalny was a man of huge courage and iron will. Even from his remote prison cell, he persisted in advocating for the rights of the Russian people.
No one should doubt the dreadful nature of the Russian system. Years of mistreatment at the hands of the state had a serious effect on Mr Navalny’s health. His death must be investigated fully and transparently. The Russian authorities must urgently confirm the location of Mr Navalny’s body to his family and allow them access to it.
On Friday, the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office summoned the Russian ambassador to express our outrage at Mr Navalny’s death. We made it clear that we hold the Russian authorities fully responsible. As the Foreign Secretary said over the weekend, those responsible must be ‘held to account’. I assure the House that we are working at pace to explore all options.
As a mark of respect, the Foreign Secretary and his G7 counterparts began their meeting on Saturday with a minute’s silence in honour of Mr Navalny. Our ambassador in Moscow laid flowers at the memorial to victims of political repression on Saturday. The ideals for which Mr Navalny stood and died will live for ever.”
I commend this Statement to the House.
My Lords, some of us in the Chamber will be spending the rest of the day holding the Government to account and asking probing questions of Ministers. Some of us are frustrated, some of the questions are constructive, but we are carrying out democratic duties as politicians. We do so with utter liberty and take for granted that we are not under personal threat. Alexei Navalny, as the Minister said, paid for the liberty that we have with his life. President Biden has said that his death was
“a consequence of something that Putin and his thugs did”.
Indeed, the Russian Government is now a Government of thugs. It is painful to see many friendly countries sharing a stage with the Russian Foreign Minister, meeting Vladimir Putin, liaising and trading with the Russian Government and supplying them with goods. We still have to deal with them, of course, but they are dealing with a Government of thugs.
There are others, such as Vladimir Kara-Murza, whom the noble Lord, Lord Collins, referred to, who continue to be in danger. It was a real privilege to join my noble friend Lady Brinton to award the Liberal International Prize for Freedom to Evgenia Kara-Murza on behalf of her husband. Can the Minister state whether there is a higher degree of confidence that those in detention will be safe with the scrutiny that the rest of the world places on Russia? I fear that Putin feels that he has impunity. It is no surprise that the presidential so-called elections in Russia are a month away. This was probably a deliberate act to commence an election campaign in Russia, to show what being in opposition to the Putin regime means.
It seems that Russia is now operating under a war economy. I associate myself with the questions that the noble Lord, Lord Collins, raised, but why are the Government not expanding our sanctions regimes, recognising that Russia now has a war economy? Russia is now spending about 45% of its GDP on the military—an astonishing level. To some extent, it is propping up the entire economy of a nation. Therefore, we need to migrate the focus of our sanctions from individuals and companies towards the whole of the military-industrial complex. That will mean us having difficult conversations with those friendly nations that I referred to, including India and other countries which I have warned about with regard to the rupee-ruble swap for trading in oil for nearly two years now.
If we are to have no impunity for the regime, as the noble Lord, Lord Collins, said, we must ensure that all those involved in the process and associated with Navalny’s death—those involved in the process leading up to his detention, during his detention and now—are within the scope of full and punitive sanctions. We have wider tools available to us now. The global human rights sanctions regime allows immediate and rapid designation. Can the Minister state whether that is a tool that could be used?
It is also worth recognising that we are perhaps at a tipping point regarding Russia and Ukraine, as the Danish Prime Minister and others have warned. Ukraine must have the tools to ensure that, as well as his detractors being under threat, Putin cannot state in the election campaign that he is also claiming ground. The noble Lord, Lord Benyon, told me that the Government would potentially be open to considering windfall tax on frozen assets so that we could release money now that could be used for the Ukrainian war effort. Ukraine is in desperate need of our support now. The UK has frozen an extremely high level of assets, but they need to be materialised for active support for Ukraine. Can the Minister clarify the Government’s position?
I hope that if anything can jolt us into moving faster, it will be this tragic death. I too saw the video and associate myself with the condolences, but perhaps one of the best ways of showing that the thugs will not win is that there are actions by democratic nations as a result of that tragic death.
My Lords, I thank the noble Lords, Lord Collins and Lord Purvis, for their statements and questions. I agree with the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, that it is incredible to think that the process of holding Ministers and the Government of the day to account, which we take almost for granted, is something denied so readily in what is called and perceived as a democracy. The irony is not lost on anyone that, at a time of election of the President in Russia, many have been sidelined and taken off the ballot.
As both noble Lords pointed out, the name of Alexei Navalny is not something that Mr Putin can even utter. There were brave souls in Russia who sought to make statements. One individual was taken off air as he was expressing condolences, which shows the control that people are subjected to and the duress people are under in Russia. I pay tribute—I am sure all noble Lords will agree—to those brave, courageous Russians who have gone out and marked the tragic death of this great leader, who sought to bring about accountability and democracy in Russia. Since he returned on that fateful day after being poisoned, he was, again, immediately detained. Look around the world: who would have the courage and conviction—having been directly targeted by this oppressive culture and regime, as the noble Lord, Lord Collins, pointed out—to return to that very land, knowing full well that this might mean the end to his freedoms? In this case, the tragic end was that he paid with his life.
The noble Lord raised the issue of Russian sanctions on UK parliamentarians; I assure him we take that seriously. The noble Lord, Lord Purvis, asked about other UK allies who also have relationships with Russia; I will be in India later this week and will have bilateral talks with the Indian Government. I assure noble Lords that I will raise these issues, as I have done previously. Both noble Lords asked about further sanctions and steps we are taking; they know that I cannot state anything specific at this time, but I assure them that we are working on these in the usual way. As I have extended the courtesy, I will seek to inform noble Lords on the Front Benches of the Government’s intention. I again put on record our thanks for the strong support for the sanctions the Government have imposed in this instance.
Noble Lords will be aware of the so-called Navalny list of sanctions on individuals. The Government have acted; of the original 35 names put forward, 29 were specifically sanctioned. I take on board what the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, suggested about the broadening nature and using our global human rights sanction regime—it is something I personally advocated for. It is there, it can be done quickly, and it is for egregious abuse of human rights.
We hold Russia accountable for this death and, while it has made statements that it will be fully investigated, the importance of transparency was again reiterated in the summoning that took place recently. In terms of further steps, a G20 meeting is taking place, which my noble friend the Foreign Secretary will be attending. There will be an occasion again to see how, in the wider context of the G20—which includes a number of the countries the noble Lord mentioned, and Russia itself—we can hold Russia to account during those meetings and the platform they provide.
Both noble Lords asked specifically about Vladimir Kara-Murza’s health. Officials in the UK and Moscow have repeatedly raised concerns for his health with the Russians. I am grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Kennedy, who is not in her place but who has been a very strong advocate for him. He is a British citizen, and the Russians are in no doubt about the strength of views and advocacy of the British Government in this regard. We will continue to demand that Mr Kara-Murza must be granted all appropriate medical treatment. We are concerned about his health, and we continue to implore answers from Russia about the basis of his continued detention. I assure noble Lords that we are very seized of that, and the cases of other detainees, and are working closely with the families.
The noble Lord, Lord Collins, asked about sanctions and enforcement. The Government have committed £50 million to support the new economic deterrence initiative, which further strengthens our diplomatic and economic tools. The new Office of Trade Sanctions Implementation will strengthen the implementation and enforcement of our trade sanctions. We take seriously the issue of circumvention, allegations of breaches, or evasion of sanctions, raised by the noble Lord. In August 2023, a UK company was fined £1 million in relation to unlicensed trade of goods in breach of the Russian sanctions. I acknowledge the point made by both noble Lords about circumvention of sanctions. We will continue to take evasion of sanctions very seriously. As I have said before from the Dispatch Box, for every step taken forward to tighten the regime there will be those looking at more elaborate ways to circumvent. We are working closely with G7 partners—leaders have tasked the relevant G7 ministries to report back on progress by the two-year mark of Russia’s invasion, and I will share that with noble Lords.
The UK remains fully committed to work with allies and we have introduced specific legislation, explicitly enabling us to keep sanctions in place until Russia pays for the damage it has caused. We support the action mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, about the EU—that is taken forward. I have said before that we are looking at each step taken by any of our allies and partners on how those seized assets can be utilised effectively. I know that all noble Lords are in agreement that they should be applied specifically to the reconstruction of Ukraine. As I have said, we are focused on that, but are ensuring that the legal basis for asset seizures is watertight.
I hope noble Lords will take the specific answers I have given—I know the noble Lord, Lord Collins, had some reservations but I hope I have provided some degree of detail—and, as I said earlier, I will personally ensure to update both noble Lords, and subsequently the House, on the further steps we will take, including evaluating further sanctions.
My Lords, I thank my noble friend for his clear response and the very clear Statement. I also thank the noble Lord, Lord Collins, for his very clear support.
What has happened to Alexei Navalny is the same as what happened to Sergei Magnitsky, Bill Browder’s lawyer, who was murdered in prison at the hands of the Russian prison service. It is pretty clear that the killing of Navalny went the same way, although obviously it is early days and things have yet to be proved and established.
Would my noble friend agree that, although it took 70 years to get rid of the murderous Stalinist regime—with interruptions when it was actually our ally—we have the tools, as the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, mentioned, to make sure that the life of this present corrupt and killing regime in the Kremlin is considerably shorter? In a way, these murders are themselves signs of the weakness and the fragile nature of the regime in Moscow.
I am not sure that sanctions have much more to add. I am afraid that the Russian economy, for reasons that are nothing to do with Putin, is rather strong, with high oil prices and Russia’s continued enormous trade and investment in many parts of Asia and Africa, which we should never forget. This is something we must fight against at all times and is getting extremely intrusive in some areas. Would my noble friend also agree that, with the rapid advance of technology, we now have more and more opportunities to get information to the Russian people about the really evil nature of those who govern them, and that we should mobilise this as energetically as I am afraid the Russians try to do the other way? I would like an assurance that, on the side of the modern hybrid warfare of high technology, cyber intrusion and superintelligence, we will stay as determined as ever to make sure that the truth gets through to the Russian people at some stage.
My Lords, my noble friend has great insight in this respect: history has shown that, for coercive regimes, an end will be brought about. Normally, it is brought about from within, by the courage of people who stand up for their rights as citizens of a particular country. Although the Russians will determine who will lead them, it is very clear that Mr Putin and his Government have used nothing but repressive tactics on their own citizens, which has culminated in eliminating all political opponents. We will work with key allies and partners to ensure that accountability is very clear. The Government have led on this, and we appreciate the steps that have been taken in the wider context, for example within the ICC against Mr Putin and what he has inflicted on the Ukrainian people.
On sanctions, I remind my noble friend that the UK has sanctioned over 1,900 individuals and entities since the full-scale invasion. The noble Lord, Lord Purvis, referred to assets being frozen. Those amount to about £22.7 billion. Without sanctions, we estimate that Russia would have had in excess of $400 billion more to fund the war. So, although I accept that there is circumvention and that the Russians are seeking new, innovative ways to conduct particular derivative operations, that $400 billion has nevertheless been denied to the Russian war machine.
My Lords, I have been in this House for 20 years and periodically we have these Statements. We recall this list of names: Sergei Magnitsky, Boris Nemtsov, and now Alexei Navalny. Members on all sides of the House have mentioned that stalwart of freedom and democracy, Vladimir Kara-Murza, who I have had the privilege to know personally; he has been here in this House to brief me and others. The Minister has been quite careful not to say very much about the condition of Mr Kara-Murza. I am not going to press him on that, but he has also recorded the fact that Mr Kara-Murza is a British citizen. I would like to know what he is doing in terms of speaking to other UN Security Council members to keep him safe and alive, and to allow him to carry that torch of freedom that proves to be so elusive to the Russian people.
My Lords, I recognise what the noble Baroness raises. As I said, we are very much seized of the situation with Mr Kara-Murza and making sure that his welfare is very much a matter of discussion not just with our key partners in the G7 and the G20 but directly with the Russians to ensure that he is protected, and his welfare and health prioritised. However, there can be no escaping the fact that he too has been detained in a colony that is restrictive. We directly challenge the basis of his detention. The noble Baroness says that I have taken great care and measure. We want to ensure that his welfare is fully protected, but I assure your Lordships that we will leave no stone unturned in our advocacy with key partners, and directly with Russia, to ensure the freedoms that he stands for and his rights as a British citizen, and to make our advocacy very clear to the Russians that we regard him as one of our own. We will do our utmost to ensure, first, that his welfare is protected, and, secondly, that he is allowed to return to our country.
My Lords, when the Minister expresses outrage, sympathy and sadness at the death of Alexei Navalny, he speaks for the whole House, and indeed, I believe, for the whole British nation. As somebody who has had dealings with President Putin in the past, I would say that the premature death of Alexei Navalny, whether at the hands of the regime or indirectly because of the conditions that were inflicted on him, is not a sign of strength but of weakness; not a sign of authority but of cowardice; not a sign of firmness but of fragility deep inside the regime of Vladimir Putin today.
I therefore ask the Minister, on behalf of the Government, to look again at the sanctions policy see where Vladimir Putin is getting the instruments to continue to conduct the war in Ukraine: for example, through Armenia and Georgia, to which exports of critical material have been increasing exponentially. Secondly, can we not now boost the communication that we have with the Russian people, as we did in the days of the Soviet Union, so that they begin to realise the pariah status that has been inflicted on a great nation?
My Lords, I agree with the noble Lord. He has great experience and insight: indeed, he has dealt with Mr Putin directly and knows the individual concerned. On his latter point on communications—my noble friend Lord Howell also mentioned technology enablement—that has been a key feature of what we have seen in Russia directly. The fact that at this moment the death of Alexei Navalny was marked in several Russian cities demonstrably shows that, despite the coercion and suppression, people are ready and willing to come out.
We pay tribute to a number of the leaders within the opposition who have also spoken out against these events. If anything, Mr Putin should look to the example of Yulia Navalnaya and her courage and bravery, as pointed out by the noble Lord, Lord Collins. On looking at the sanctions that we have currently deployed and the broader nature of what can be done, I assure noble Lords that we are very much seized of this. Hopefully, we will be returning to your Lordships’ House in the near future to outline additional measures that we are taking. On additional measures and sanctions—the noble Lord, Lord Collins, and I have talked about this extensively on every sanction—I say that these are most effective when we act with our partners. That is why, I assure noble Lords, we are working very closely with the EU, the US and Canada in this respect.
My Lords, I spoke yesterday to members of our sister party Yabloko in Russia. They are very grateful for the reference to all the people who came out on the streets. It was not just a few cities. They say that it was in towns and cities across Russia. For us, that has to be an important sign that there are people who care passionately about the state of Russia. Their concern is that their voices are not being heard outside Russia at all. I always try to refer to the Kremlin rather than to Russia, because the Russian people are as appalled as we are by what has happened to Navalny. They want things to change but they do not have the power to do that.
I want to echo the points made by other noble Lords about Vladimir Kara-Murza. He was poisoned twice in 2015 and 2017. He was imprisoned in 2022. Last year, he was sentenced to a further 25 years for “treason”, the treason being membership of an opposition party and trying to use his voice. It would be helpful if the Minister could perhaps brief those who have spoken in today’s Statement debate if there is any news of contact. I know that in particular Evgenia, his wife, is very worried about what is happening. But there are many other dissidents also in prison. If the Minister could keep the House informed, that would be enormously helpful.
Of course I give the assurance that we will keep noble Lords informed. The noble Baroness spoke about the sister party to the Liberal Democrats, Yabloko. Indeed, its leader was also giving a statement when he was taken off air. It shows the strength of the Russian people. I agree with the noble Baroness that we should talk about the Kremlin, Mr Putin and his supporters rather than the Russian people. The Russian people are being denied. As we have said repeatedly when it comes to Ukraine, our fight, our challenge, our disputes and our absolute shock over what has happened to Ukraine have been at the instigation of Mr Putin and the Kremlin, and are in no way a reflection of the Russian people.
As we have seen from the tragic death of Alexei Navalny and the continued detention of Vladimir Kara-Murza, those who speak out, who want to represent the people of Russia, are often silenced. You can do nothing but be inspired. I echo again the sentiments expressed earlier: here we are in a democracy such as the United Kingdom where we take these basic, fundamental freedoms sometimes quite lightly. But actually, we are speaking up for those Russian citizens. We are standing up for those brave souls, some of whom, like Alexei Navalny, have paid the ultimate price, with their life, to ensure that their legacy is not forgotten. The biggest tribute we can give is to continue to advocate as such.
My Lords, I want to join others in expressing my dismay and deep sadness at the death of Alexei Navalny. We thank him for his courage, for the hope that he planted and for the reminder, as others have said, that Putin does not speak for all the people of Russia. I lived in Russia as a child; my father was a diplomat and ambassador to Russia. I saw the spirit of the people there, who did defy a regime once—and we hope they will do so again.
Putin’s aggression has delivered the one thing he did not want, which is the invigoration and expansion of NATO. Finland’s entry has been a great achievement, bringing with it one of the largest armies in Europe and the longest border with Russia. Will the Minister confirm whether Hungary is due to vote on Sweden’s membership of the alliance, perhaps even as soon as next Monday? I urge the Government to continue the pressure on Hungary to lift its block.
Again, the noble Baroness provides a very personal insight of her experiences. I recall the time of the great and late Lady Thatcher and her meeting with Mr Gorbachev—that this was someone “we can do business with”. I remember, in my much younger years, the great inspiration that we were seeing the coming down of that wall that was created; the Cold War was coming to an end. Yet here we are in 2024 and many of those issues and challenges, and the antagonistic nature of what Russia presented, are still being realised today.
Therefore, yes, there are many unintended consequences which Mr Putin did not foresee, including the expansion of NATO to new members and a new, increased resilience among existing NATO members, and of course we are looking very much towards Ukraine’s accession. On the point about Hungary, yes, I can assure my noble friend we are very much seized of that. Again, at the moment, I am at the Raisina dialogue in India and I saw on the list the Hungarian Foreign Minister, who I know well personally. I have indicated to my team that, if he is present, I wish to meet with him on the very issue my noble friend raises.
Given what the Minister and other noble Lords have said, will the Minister comment on the importance of getting the message from the West across to the people of Russia? I am thinking particularly of the BBC World Service, of course—but other news organisations as well. That is part of our soft power. It is one of the few things we can really do in these circumstances.
There is another thing I would ask the Minister to endorse. Mrs Navalny talked about not just the loss of a future, the loss of her husband’s future, but the loss of the future that he held for Russia—Mother Russia and the people that he loved there. Having myself been there several times, had music performed there, and been really welcomed extraordinarily by the Russian people, I think—especially given what the noble Lord, Lord Howell, said—of the experience of Dmitri Shostakovich, who of course Stalin tried to keep quiet and almost had killed. In fact, he would have had him killed after the first performance of Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk: there was a terrible review in Pravda, which normally would have spelled the death of someone. So I endorse the importance of the spirit of the Russian people. We may take succour from these great works of art, whether from Tolstoy, Dostoevsky, Solzhenitsyn or Shostakovich, which show that the human spirit somehow prevails. Mr Navalny would want us to think in those positive terms. As Mrs Navalny said, “We will fight on”.
I totally endorse the noble Lord’s statement, views and indeed sentiments. He brings a valuable dimension to the discussion and questions that we have about the strength of UK soft power, including the use of the incredible service that the BBC provides to many countries, including the Russian people. I certainly take on board what he said. As my noble friend said earlier, our fight is not with the Russian people. Indeed, Russian culture through history has enriched not just the Russian people but the world.
My Lords, I associate the Green Party with the expressions of condolence from all around the House to Alexei Navalny’s family, friends and supporters.
A number of noble Lords have talked about extending sanctions. There is obviously work to consider there, but I want to focus on what is happening in the UK. In December, Transparency International Russia, operating in exile, produced an important report about illegal money transfers for fictitious or overpriced invoices, which is what is known as trade-based money laundering. They total hundreds of millions of pounds, and a very large percentage of that involves UK-based shell companies. We are about to see the long-awaited reforms of Companies House, but the second point raised by the report was about the role of enablers—that is, professional companies and individuals in the UK that are facilitating what is known as the London laundromat. We have been through two economic crime Bills since the Russian invasion, but a Minister conceded to me that we needed to do more. Are the Government planning to do more about the enablers who are not just enabling corruption but enabling Putin’s war?
The short answer to the noble Baroness’s question is yes. She is right to raise the issue of those who profiteer. I mentioned earlier those who look for innovative ways of circumventing the legislation that has been imposed and the steps that have been taken. We need to ensure that the new bodies that have been set up and the new structures and powers that have been given are applied. There will always be deterrence, but there will always be those who seek to circumvent it. We need to close down the loopholes, including the ones that the noble Baroness has highlighted.
My Lords, it is reassuring to see all sides of the House with shared purpose in holding the Putin regime to account, but of course it is not just the death of poor Mr Navalny that we mourn. There have been extrajudicial killings on UK soil too. It is not just Russia that we fear; the Government have had to warn China about the intimidation of UK citizens, while the Canadians have accused India of extrajudicial killings of Sikhs in Canada. What reassurance can the Minister give to Russian and Chinese exiles and British Sikhs that they are safe to express themselves freely in the UK?
My Lords, our freedoms and our civil and human rights were hard fought for. If you go back a century into our own history, you see the challenges of the brave souls who had to fight for the most basic fundamental freedoms that we now enjoy, including the right of women to vote, which we take now as something quite simple, yet there were great struggles in the past. Our own history lends itself to ensuring that the strength of our communities and the diversity of people that we have today is fully protected. One thing is very clear: I am proud to say the UK is a place where we protect all our citizens, including those who take protection in the UK. That is a proud tradition that we have had over many years and it should continue to be the case. Accountability is a feature of our democracy. I speak for many noble Lords, including myself, who, because of the roles we have, the statements we make and indeed the policies we present, are then subjected to abuse that most people do not see, and it is almost second nature for us. But we must fight for those freedoms and protections and ensure that those who challenge our basic freedoms are given a clear and unequivocal message, as we have done today.