Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill

Debate between Justin Madders and Andrew Jones

Report stage
Wednesday 18th January 2023 Commons Chamber

[Andrew Jones]

It is clearly right to have parliamentary scrutiny of these measures and those that will come as a consequence of this legislation, but why has Labour not filled its places on the European Statutory Instruments Committee? If the hon. Gentleman is so keen to see parliamentary scrutiny, why has his party not taken the opportunity that it has?

[Justin Madders]

I direct the hon. Gentleman to the Whips Office around the corner. He can have a word with them and see what is going on.

I do not accept the characterisation of how these laws were introduced in the first place. As we know, the vast bulk of EU subordinate legislation was adopted by the member states and the European Parliament, of course, both of which had representatives from the United Kingdom—indeed, our MEPs were democratically elected until 2020—so it is simply wrong to say that politicians, stakeholders and policymakers did not have ample opportunity to exert influence on the development of EU policy and secondary legislation.

In fact, there are many examples of where EU legislation was supported and even promoted by the UK Government of the day. One good example is the social chapter, which the Labour party’s 1997 manifesto pledged to introduce. It included rights on parental leave and working hours. Nobody can say that those rules were forced on us without our consent. Conservative Members may not have liked them—that is clear—but there was a clear democratic pathway to their introduction.

Amendment 36 is about Parliament taking back control, but new clause 2, which is on the amendment paper, goes one step further. It would require Ministers to set out their analysis of the impact of the removal of EU laws and the abolition of the application of EU principles to our laws. As our amendment 26 sets out, there needs to be some recognition that tearing up 50 years of legal development overnight might just create a little bit of uncertainty—as, of course, will revoking thousands of laws. New clause 2 would require some thought to be given to what the impact of all that might be and, crucially, would require it to be shared with everyone else.

We therefore think that it ought to be a matter of agreement among everyone who wants to see democracy prosper that the replacement regulations under the Bill should be made by Parliament after proper consultation, public debate and scrutiny, not simply by ministerial decision—or, as the case may be, by non-decision. All we are asking Ministers to do is to publish their work on how these laws will affect our constituents, which they ought to be doing anyway. Or will we have to wait until the end the year to find that some law that has slipped off the books is causing problems with, for example, the trade and co-operation agreement? Is it not better for us to know about that now? Ministers will know what the issues are, so why do they not share that knowledge with the rest of us? New clause 2 would give Parliament sufficient time to express a view on all that, putting power back into the hands of Parliament, which is what I thought all those who campaigned to leave the EU actually wanted to happen.

Likewise, new clause 3 would create a requirement for there to be genuine consultation if the powers under sections 15 and 16 are to be exercised in revoking, replacing or updating a regulation, and, again, for Parliament to be sighted on that consultation and on the Government’s assessment of the proposed changes. I hope that we are not being too revolutionary by wanting accountability and transparency for Ministers’ actions.

While we are on the regulations, why are we tying Ministers’ hands—we have already touched on this—by insisting that anything that replaces them cannot add to the regulatory burden? Why is the language of rights and protections always expressed as a burden? Of course, the whole thrust of the Bill is to reduce the number of EU regulations in our system, which in itself will reduce the regulatory burden, but when Ministers are looking to update or replace these rules, why must we insist that they do not add to the burden? What even counts as a burden? I am saddened that Conservative Members think it a burden to ensure that our workplaces are safe and that people are protected against discrimination, and to protect natural habitats.

If it was thought that reviewing the laws on maternity discrimination, for example, was actually a good opportunity to strengthen protections—possibly along the lines of the private Member’s Bill of my hon. Friend the Member for Barnsley Central (Dan Jarvis)— this Bill would not allow that. If my hon. Friend’s Bill navigates the private Member’s Bill lottery, it would extend the time period for protection against unfair redundancy to a six-month period after the return to work from maternity, adoption or shared parental leave. That is, by the way, something that the Government committed to in 2019, but under this Bill they would not be allowed to implement it because it would increase the burden. I am not sure how that circle will be squared, but it illustrates the point that this Bill could prevent the Government from implementing their own policies. Although most of us on the Opposition side would want that to apply to just about everything this Government introduce, when it is confined to things that might actually benefit our constituents, it is a cause for concern.

That brings us neatly to our amendment 20, which deals with workers’ rights. The regulations that it lists represent, as far as we can identify, all the major employment rights within the ambit of the Bill—rights that people enjoy every day; rights that nobody voted to squash; rights that those on the Labour Benches will do everything in our power to protect. To protect them and remove any scintilla of doubt, we need to take them outside the scope of the Bill.

I heard what the Minister said about there being no plans to remove those rights, which ought to mean that she has no problem with voting for the amendment. After all, if that is what the Government are going to do anyway, what is there to lose?

M56 (Junctions 12 to 14)

Debate between Justin Madders and Andrew Jones

Tuesday 17th November 2015 Westminster Hall

[Andrew Jones]

I thank the hon. Gentleman for that intervention. He has been assiduous in asking about safety on the M56 and he will recall that I wrote to him about it in September. I assure him that safety is a top priority for the Department and for Highways England. The investigatory work is ongoing and I will make sure that the results of that work are shared openly and given appropriate priority by Highways England. I will also make sure that a report of this debate is sent to Highways England with immediate effect.

I will say a little about the long-term investment in the road network. We are taking a strategic and long-term approach to planning our network and we are providing stability of funding for Highways England, so that it is better able to plan its investment in the network. My hon. Friend the Member for Weaver Vale will recall that the first road investment strategy, which Highways England is now delivering, includes a commitment to invest in stretches of the M56, including the new junction 11a to link the M56 to the A533 at Runcorn, creating an improved link to the new Mersey Gateway bridge from the south.

The first RIS was informed by a comprehensive review of the entire strategic road network through a series of route strategies, prepared at that time by the Highways Agency. The pressures and needs of the M56 were assessed as part of the broader south Pennines route strategy. Such route strategies marked the first time that the needs of the strategic road network had been comprehensively assessed, link by link and junction by junction. I am pleased to advise my hon. Friend and indeed the House that such an assessment of the M56 and other parts of the network is not a one-off.

We are developing the process for preparing a second RIS, which will cover the period after 2020. A key part of the evidence base will be Highways England’s next iteration of these route strategies, which it will use to identify the current and future constraints that the performance of the strategic road network places on economic growth. It will then use this information to identify how future delivery and investment plans might address and remove those constraints. As we take the local route strategies forward, I think we will see greater collaboration with local authorities, local enterprise partnerships and other local stakeholders to determine the nature, need and timing of the future investment that the network requires.

To inform the second RIS, Highways England will begin to develop the next round of route strategies with a view to publishing them at the end of 2016-17. I want to change the process a little bit for our second RIS, to make it far more open and to ensure that colleagues here in the House are able to contribute to it with their suggestions. There is no shortage of ideas about the improvements that are required across our network and I want to make sure that colleagues get a chance to contribute to, inform and shape the strategy.

[Justin Madders]

I think we will all be grateful for the opportunity to make an input to this process for investing in the network. Will the investment plan also consider the day-to-day operational costs and expenses of running the network? The hon. Member for Weaver Vale (Graham Evans) highlighted the increase in the time taken to deal with incidents, and my hon. Friend the Member for Halton (Derek Twigg) mentioned the reduction in the number of incident support unit officers. Will some consideration be given to reinvesting in incident support units, to alleviate the impact of collisions on the whole network?

[Andrew Jones]

Road investment strategies are focused upon capital, but I am acutely aware that in certain cases capital brings with it revenue implications, and we consistently hear arguments about that. Today, however, I am talking specifically about capital investment.

I expect to make announcements about RIS2 and the process for it within the next few weeks. I expect that the assessment of the M56, as part of the route strategy work, will include consideration of any further safety-related measures, as well as consideration of whether or not to upgrade this section of the motorway to a smart motorway. I noted the support of my hon. Friend the Member for Weaver Vale for smart motorways. They work by using technology to control traffic and to vary speed limits, with detectors in the carriageway that monitor the flow of traffic. I have seen these smart motorways being introduced up and down the country, and they have been highly successful. I have also noted that colleagues have expressed support for them on many occasions in other debates. These solutions are very much long-term solutions, and if a decision is made to upgrade this section of the M56 to a smart motorway, it may be that the construction work could commence after 2020, but I assure the House once again that as we develop RIS2, safety will be central. It is one of the key requirements in the first RIS and it will continue to be a priority as we develop our plans.

In the meantime, I recognise the importance of minimising the disruption to road users when incidents occur. Highways England is considering, subject to final funding decisions, improving technology around the junction of the M56 and M53, known as Stoak interchange, or junction 15 of the M56. There are plans to install portable variable message signs at this junction. When an incident occurs on the M56 that results in severe congestion or even a closure, Highways England’s north-west regional control centre would be able to activate these signs, which would highlight the problems ahead and advise motorists to look for alternative routes, for example a signed diversionary route.

On a different issue, I notice that my hon. Friend has an online campaign to support quieter road surfacing on the M56. I fully understand his concern, and he has spoken powerfully on behalf of his constituents. Like all colleagues, I recognise how distressing traffic noise can be. It can be extremely loud, even if it is a clear fact that road surfaces have improved significantly in recent years. As a Minister with responsibility for roads, I am taking a great interest in asphalt technology and bitumen. I am keen to impress on my officials the importance of working with the sector, particularly contractors, on bitumen research and development to deliver better surfaces and quieter roads. Such work is a part of improving our road network, including its durability and safety. I have also received a very interesting presentation on this subject from Shell, which then kindly presented me with “The Shell Bitumen Handbook”—a surprisingly large tome.

I understand that my hon. Friend has been out with Highways England to see some of the resurfacing work on the network, and I commend him for that. Of course, road surfaces can help to reduce noise levels, but it is not just the road surface that highway authorities should consider to mitigate the noise for residents living close to a busy road. There are other measures that can be taken, such as erecting noise barriers, walls or noise embankments.

I will quickly mention the local road network. The Government are providing local authorities with £6 billion between 2015 and 2021 to improve local roads. This certainty of funding will ensure that local authorities can plan ahead and use cost-effective and sustainable materials for their roads to mitigate excessive road noise. I am pleased that local residents close to the M56 will benefit from the resurfacing of the westbound carriageway with a material that makes less noise than the material used in 2014. I think they will be reassured to know that Highways England will consider resurfacing the eastbound carriageway within the next two to three years.

Finally, my hon. Friend and the House will recognise the benefits for the region that will result from the plan to relieve build-up in and around Runcorn, and the new junction 11A, which forms part of the Government’s commitment to the northern powerhouse. Rebalancing the economy by creating a northern powerhouse is part of our long-term economic plan. Our objective is simple: it is to allow the north to pool its strengths and to become greater than the sum of its parts. That plan puts transport right at the heart of the agenda. We are making huge progress. By committing £13 billion to transport across the north in this Parliament, we aim to capitalise on the success of transport investment in London to create the northern powerhouse, which will be a second powerhouse region in the UK.

Rail investment has been mentioned, but I think that is a subject for another day.

I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Weaver Vale for all he does in championing his constituency, and I hope that he is reassured that the Government are listening. A fantastic level of investment is going into our transport infrastructure, now and in the future. Safety is at the heart of that investment and it will remain so. My hon. Friend made some specific points and I will write to him with detailed responses, but I assure him that road safety is at the heart of our plans. In fact, the first piece of work that I commissioned as a Minister was on road safety, which I hope indicates my personal commitment to the subject. I thank all Members for their contributions to this debate.

Question put and agreed to.