(12 years, 7 months ago)
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Thank you, Mr Brady, for giving me the opportunity to speak unexpectedly early in the debate; I really appreciate it. The European working time directive is a complete disaster. Those are the words not of some amateur politician, someone on the street, a journalist or a headline maker, but of the president of the Royal College of Physicians, Sir Richard Thompson. He has described the European working time directive as “a complete disaster” for both patient care and the quality of training. He said:
“We are not providing the service or the training that we require. I cannot overemphasise the damage to service provision and to training.”
The directive is a complete disaster in terms of providing a service to the people who need it the most—the vulnerable and the sick. It is a complete disaster to the physicians who are the lifeblood of the NHS; and a complete disaster to the future of our hospital structure.
In September 2010, the European working time directive impacted on hospital rotas. The Royal College of Physicians criticised “the reliance on locums” in rural hospitals in particular. It said that
“a service opt-out or modification should continue to be pressed for.”
The Causeway hospital in my constituency faces losing its accident and emergency department, which is the only such facility in one of the most rural parts of Northern Ireland. The area has one of the largest inflows of tourists at certain times of the year. Why is the department going to close? It is going to close not because it is useless or there is no demand, but because of its over-reliance on locums, which is a direct result of the European working time directive. It is a complete disaster for our rural hospitals. It is a complete disaster in terms of sickness leave among doctors. The report of the Royal College of Physicians, which was published in April 2010, shows that sickness leave has soared since the European working time directive was introduced. It says:
“The apparent rise in sickness rates of junior doctors since the introduction of the European Working Time Directive highlights the additional stresses that are being put upon trainees by new rotas.”
Let us not mince our words: this is a complete disaster. Let us be honest and say it as it is. As far as the NHS is concerned, the European working time directive has failed and we need to get a better plan or structure in place that coincides with the needs of patients and with the ability of our physicians to deliver the best care service in the world. The sooner that we call this as it is the better.
The hon. Gentleman is making a powerful case. Does he agree that the effects of the working time directive on our respective constituents is one reason why an increasing number of people are reaching the conclusion that we would be better off out of the European Union?
The hon. Gentleman pre-empts me. He is a mind reader. He seems to be able to find something that perhaps we are all agreed on. If the directive is a complete disaster; if it is starving our patients of good care and our junior doctors and senior physicians of being able to deliver what they are brilliant at delivering, we should address the problem at its root. The root cause is that we have a poison in the body politic of this kingdom. We are being regulated by people who do not live in this kingdom, do not care about this kingdom, are not part of this kingdom or do not have the needs of this kingdom at their heart, and we should stand up and recognise that. The over-regulatory practice that is being put upon us by Brussels is destroying this country. The sooner that we realise that, the better, and the sooner that the Government realise that and recognise that they should address the root cause of the problem, the better for us all.
(14 years ago)
Commons ChamberMy hon. Friend makes a valid point, to which I shall refer later. One of the major problems with the Bill before us is that it is not clear on specifics. There is a danger that all we are doing, ultimately, is leaving the matter to be decided by the courts.
The effect of the Bill will be that the Secretary of State has no alternative but to increase the rules and regulations for the nation’s farmers. It will serve only to damage the prospects of our farming communities.
Clause 1(4) highlights one of the problems which the Bill, if enacted, could create—that is, the importation of meats and foods from other countries, in particular Brazil. It identifies the problem by stating that further action would need to be taken by the Government to ensure that it did not
“lead to an increase in the proportion of meat consumed in the United Kingdom which is imported.”
The very fact that the Bill identifies that problem suggests to me that it will create that problem.
The hon. Gentleman makes an extremely important point, which I will deal with. The clause is, in many ways, a fig leaf. It tries to give the impression that everything will be all right because the Secretary of State must take into account the amount of meat consumed in this country and should not do anything that would increase, the proportion of imported meat consumed in the United Kingdom.
Two dangers arise from that. First, the provision slightly contradicts the rest of the Bill and would put the Secretary of State in a difficult position. Secondly, clause 1(4), which I shall come to later, makes no reference to dairy products, which are excluded. It is purely about meat eating. There is no reference to milk, cheese, butter or other dairy products.
My hon. Friend makes a very valid point. It is worth noting that the Labour party had 13 years in government to legislate in the manner that the Bill suggests. It chose not to do so. As my hon. Friend says, there were a number of initiatives to try to meet the Bill’s objectives.
It seems reasonable to assume that the only way in which the Secretary of State can ever hope to comply with all her duties would be to impose new rules on food manufacturers and packagers. In fact, clause 1(4) places on the Secretary of State
“a duty to ensure that the steps taken in accordance with this Act do not lead to an increase in the proportion of meat consumed in the United Kingdom which is imported.”
I see why such a provision is considered necessary; subsection (4) gives the game away. It is clear from it that those promoting the Bill fully realise that its effect will be to increase the burden of regulation and red tape on Britain’s farmers. In turn, the cost of British meat will increase and inevitably lead to an increase in imports. In what I submit would be a futile attempt to stop that happening, the Bill attempts to legislate to prevent market forces from working.
Does the hon. Gentleman accept that a YouGov survey has demonstrated that 80% of consumers would buy cheaper meat regardless of whether its production had involved fewer CO2 emissions? Therefore, because of the point that the hon. Gentleman is making, it is impossible for the Secretary of State to prevent the influx of cheap meat. The demand would be there. The motive of the person promoting the Bill may be fine and good, but the Bill will not do what it says on the tin. It will inflict on our industry a huge increase in foreign, cheap meat from Brazil.