(12 years, 7 months ago)
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I begin by drawing attention to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests. As chair of the all-party group on Vietnam, it is a great privilege to have the opportunity to speak on the importance of Anglo-Vietnamese relations. Indeed, given that the Foreign Secretary is currently on a visit to Vietnam, which is the first such visit for a long time, it is timely that we have this opportunity to celebrate the strong and growing ties between our two countries. I should add that my views do not necessarily represent all those of the all-party group, which has more than 50 members from both Houses and all parties.
Initially, I would like to say a few words about some of the areas of importance, such as civil society and political reform. The Government rightly have concerns about those matters that many of us share. Of course, Vietnam has a very different political system from our own, but I am aware that there is an appetite in Vietnam for further reform of those important areas, particularly civil society and political reform. Ongoing exchanges between members of the National Assembly and our own Parliament have demonstrated a desire to improve things such as the legislative process, scrutiny and accountability.
The Government and their Vietnamese counterparts are justifiably proud of the strategic partnership between our two countries, which sets out important areas of co-operation, to which I shall refer briefly. First, importantly, it highlights the importance of political and diplomatic co-operation, including regular dialogue between leaders of both countries and enhanced parliamentary co-operation through bilateral visits, of which there have been several in recent years, including by the chairman of the National Assembly last year. Such co-operation leads to the promotion of trade and educational links, and I am sure that the Foreign Secretary’s current visit will do much to further those aims.
The strategic partnership between the two countries envisages co-operation on global and regional issues, particularly given the role of both countries in the United Nations, Vietnam’s important and leading role in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the UK’s role in the European Union, to which I will refer later in my speech.
On trade and investment, the agreement recognises a joint commitment to free trade and open markets, which is vital given current world economic circumstances. As an aspiration when it was agreed, but now as a reality, the agreement also refers to the importance of direct flights between London and Vietnam, which commenced last year. Indeed, I was fortunate enough to travel on the inaugural flight from London to Ho Chi Minh City.
On sustainable socio-economic development, the agreement states:
“the UK will work with Vietnam bilaterally and via the EU and other development partners to help create the necessary environment for continued economic growth and prosperity as Vietnam looks to progress beyond middle income status”.
Importantly, the strategic partnership commits both sides to the fight against corruption.
Other headings refer to the importance of links and co-operation on education, training, science and technology, security and defence, and on people-to-people links. On education, it is worth noting that the new university of Da Nang has very strong involvement from the United Kingdom. I think that four different UK universities are involved, which is a very welcome development. It is also worth noting that there are about 7,000 Vietnamese students studying in the UK. They are very important both to Vietnam and to the future of our own university system.
The closer co-operation that exists between Vietnam and the UK, particularly on important things such as trade, creates new opportunities for both countries to use our influence on each other’s behalf in our respective regions. For example, in the UK we can, in appropriate circumstances, act as good friends on behalf of Vietnam in the European Union. A couple of years ago, we gave important support in the European Union regarding the importing of shoes, for which Vietnam is very grateful. That was an important demonstration of our friendship.
Correspondingly, given its important role in ASEAN, Vietnam can in the same way be helpful to the UK. A recent report from UK Trade & Investment on the development of emerging markets over the next two years concluded that Vietnam was in the top three emerging markets, ahead of India and just behind China. Given the economic dynamism of Vietnam, it is clearly of great advantage to the UK that we have that relationship and develop it still further.
The Minister will be aware that one of the important areas of concern in Vietnam is the long-standing dispute between China, Vietnam and many of her neighbours in the region about the South China sea. There have been a number of deeply worrying incidents in relation to which the Chinese have allegedly been in contravention of the UN convention on the law of the sea. All those incidents seem to be aimed at China creating the impression that large parts of the South China sea are disputed areas. However, there is good reason to say that that is not the case.
Reported incidents have included Chinese fishing vessels supported by fishery control ships ramming survey vessels in the area and cutting underwater cables. As recently as March this year, the Chinese authorities arrested 21 Vietnamese fishermen and confiscated two fishing vessels that were carrying out legitimate fishing in the Hoang Sa archipelago. Since early 2011, tension has escalated in the region as a result of military exercises carried out by the Chinese in the Paracel and Spratly islands.
A report by the International Crisis Group published as recently as this week referred to the wider dispute in the South China sea and concluded:
“clashes on the South China Sea—3.5 million square km of water contested by Brunei, China, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam—are plentiful”.
The report goes on to say:
“escalating tensions since 2009 have dealt a severe blow to China’s relations with its South East Asian neighbours and significantly tarnished its image”.
That is a fair assessment of what has gone on and what the problems are. Ominously, this week, three US ships are in Vietnam for a five-day naval exercise—perfectly legitimately, I hasten to add. It is certainly not envisaged that any of the exercises will involve live firepower. This year there is also a US-Philippines military exercise taking place off Palawan, near the disputed Spratly islands, which both Manila and Beijing claim as their own. The exercises have involved 7,000 troops, of which 4,000, according to BBC News Asia, are from the US. There is a clear build-up of tension and a lot of interest concentrating on the South China sea.
It is in the interest of keeping international trade flowing that the South China sea not be a continual source of conflict. It is of course a matter for Vietnam and those in the region who are involved in the dispute to resolve the issues by whatever multilateral and bilateral means are appropriate. However, I hope that our Government, consistent with the aims of the strategic partnership, will provide advice to Vietnam and her neighbours through appropriate means, drawing on our long experience of maritime matters and international maritime law. The Vietnamese are very keen for an appropriate dialogue with the UK on these issues.
I would like to say a few words about a specific legacy of the American-Vietnamese conflict. On a recent visit to Ho Chi Minh City, I visited a hospital caring for young people who are victims of the use of the defoliant Agent Orange during the Vietnam war. Shockingly, babies are still being born with severe disabilities as a result of that use, despite the passage of time since the end of the Vietnam war in 1975. The severity of those disabilities is so alarming and distressing that several members of the party that I was with experienced physical effects. The staff who care for these young people are deserving of the highest praise for the commitment and kindness they show. Other Members have made the same visit and share the same strong concerns. At this point, I would like to say a word of praise for the Britain-Vietnam Friendship Society, and in particular its secretary Len Aldis; it has done so much to highlight the effects of Agent Orange and to raise funds for many years on behalf of victims. The all-party parliamentary group on Vietnam, which I chair, has made a commitment to hold an event in June to raise funds to provide additional staff and other support for victims living in communities associated with the hospital that we visited.
The all-party group, which met this week, feels that the Government could use their diplomatic means to encourage the United States to recognise its obligations regarding compensation for all of those affected by Agent Orange. Whether that would involve the companies responsible for providing the chemicals, or the US Government making a gesture, is not important; the important thing is that somebody do something about it. I hope the Government, perhaps through quiet diplomacy, can promote that cause. I do not raise that issue in any anti-US spirit, but as an appeal from one close ally to another to recognise that there is a debt of honour that now needs to be redeemed.
One final point also covered in the strategic partnership is the UK’s support in combating poverty in Vietnam, which, as anybody who has looked at what is happening in Vietnam knows, is still an important issue. The UK has a good record in this respect and I urge the Government to maintain and, if possible, even improve our important contribution to programmes used for that purpose. It is important to highlight the role that charities play—some of which are based in the UK, such as Save the Children—in helping specific families find routes out of poverty. I recently visited one such programme. It is not dramatic and is not likely to make the newspaper headlines, but it supported a family, whose head had severe disabilities, by providing it with chickens. Despite his disabilities, he was able to cope with the work load of keeping the chickens and was then able to sell them at market, breed them and produce eggs. That produced an income that was otherwise not available to the family. They do not live in the lap of luxury; they lead a Spartan existence by the standards that most of us would recognise, but that support is so important. Charities often carry out such programmes in a way that is not always open to Governments.
I will conclude as I started, by stressing the importance of the growing links and friendship between our two countries. I encourage the Minister, whom I am sure will have a great deal of sympathy for much of what I have said, and his colleagues to maintain our positive input into this important relationship.
It is a pleasure, Mr Caton, to serve under your chairmanship. I echo the remarks of the hon. Member for East Dunbartonshire (Jo Swinson) in thanking the right hon. Member for Knowsley (Mr Howarth) for this debate this morning. One of my happiest memories of the right hon. Gentleman is that I took part in his by-election when I was the Conservative candidate’s parliamentary friend. That by-election in his area gave me the chance to meet all the Conservative voters personally on several occasions during the three weeks, so we had a happy time without disturbing the pundits too much with a surprise result. It was the start of a very warm friendship.
I am very grateful to them, including the Earl of Derby.
I thank the hon. Member for East Dunbartonshire for her comments, and her engagement with and her usual passionate commitment to human rights. I also thank the Opposition spokesman, the hon. Member for Bristol East (Kerry McCarthy) for her comments. We cover some similar ground, so I will make some general remarks, but I hope to cover most of the points that hon. Members have made. I begin with an apology on behalf of the Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, my hon. Friend the Member for Taunton Deane (Mr Browne) who is not here because he is representing the Foreign Secretary at the Anzac day service at Westminster Abbey. The House will understand why he is not with us, and I will discuss the debate with him to ensure that he is fully aware of the matters raised.
The right hon. Member for Knowsley is chair of the all-party group on Vietnam. He has a close interest in our relations with Vietnam, and his comments reflected that. I thank him for his courtesy in providing me with a copy of his speech, which helped in preparing my response. The debate has raised several topics that are familiar to those who follow issues in Vietnam and comes at a significant time. Vietnam and, indeed, the wider south-east Asian region are becoming increasingly important to the United Kingdom, as evidenced by the policy of the previous Government, and now by that of this Government.
The Prime Minister was in the region at the beginning of April and, as we speak, the Foreign Secretary is, as has been said, in Vietnam as part of a trip that will also take in Singapore and Brunei for the EU-ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ meeting. That visit is the first by a Foreign Secretary in 17 years. Included in his programme are talks with his Vietnamese counterpart, Mr Pham Binh Minh, and the Minister of Public Security, Mr Tran Dai Quang, with the aim of progressing UK-Vietnam relations. The trip also includes meetings with representatives from the international business and development communities, and I am sure that my right hon. Friend will be pleased to catch up with hon. Members on his return.
Vietnam is a dynamic country with a booming economy. It has been recognised by the National Security Council as a tier 3 emerging power, and is the world’s second largest exporter of rice and coffee. It is set to continue on that growth path, with the World Bank predicting 6% average growth in gross domestic product over the next two years. It has a population of more than 90 million, with a median age below 30 and a 90% literacy rate. With that projected economic growth and those demographics, the opportunities for the United Kingdom will continue to grow in conjunction with growth in Vietnam. We have seen a similar pattern in other countries in the Asia Pacific region and recognise that the world’s economic and political centre of gravity has shifted south and east. We have responded by implementing what we call the network shift, with a significant increase in resources throughout our missions in the region, including additional staff for our missions in both Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. That will enable us to strengthen our relations with Vietnam to ensure that there is mutual benefit.
I am sure hon. Members are aware that the UK-Vietnam bilateral relationship is already deep and strong. As part of the National Security Council’s emerging powers initiative, Vietnam is among the six ASEAN countries prioritised as an emerging power. That initiative has enabled us to transform our relationship with Vietnam, using the foundation of the UK-Vietnam strategic partnership, which was signed in 2010. The partnership covers all areas of the bilateral relationship: political and diplomatic co-operation, global and regional issues, education, trade and investment, security and defence, socio-economic development, and people-to-people links.
A key area of opportunity is co-operation on education. There are already more than 7,000 Vietnamese students in the UK, and we are proud that young people in that ambitious country see the standards and opportunities of a British education as key to their success. The right hon. Gentleman referred specifically to education. The British Council there is supporting vocational education, skills training and higher education. UK universities and colleges, as well as the Association of Chartered Certified Accountants, are running joint programmes with Vietnamese universities. We are working to establish an international-standard state university in Da Nang. A number of UK private sector players, including British University Vietnam, have set up in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City.
The English language is at the heart of our education offer. Seven thousand children, teens and adults study English at the British Council’s Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City teaching centres every year. The British Council also trains 500 Government officials. It has set up a free website to offer support for English lessons, and ideas and inspiration for educators for more than 5,000 teacher members. Intel has set itself a target of a computer for every Vietnamese household by 2020. Thanks to its work with the British Council and the Vietnamese Ministry of Education and Training, each will come uploaded with fun, English-learning educational resources in line with Vietnam’s English curriculum.
We can do more. The Prime Minister announced during his visit to Indonesia that the UK has set aside new money to stimulate the expansion of educational links and collaborative programmes across the region, including with Vietnam, with increased student and academic flows in both directions. We are calling that the UK-ASEAN knowledge partnership. We will work with Vietnam and our other regional partners to map the areas of mutual interest. For the 10 ASEAN countries, there is seed money of £200,000, and we can begin to create more opportunities, with a value of up to £3 million, for individuals and institutions.
(12 years, 11 months ago)
Commons ChamberI want to praise my hon. Friend for his indefatigable support for the overseas territories. As he knows, we will shortly publish a White Paper which will discuss how we can reinvigorate our relationship with them, and obviously we want them to participate fully in Her Majesty’s jubilee celebrations.
Does the Foreign Secretary agree that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations can play an important role in encouraging the Burmese to maintain the progress that he described earlier?
Yes. That is particularly true given that Burma will have the chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014. One of the points that we made to other ASEAN nations at the United Nations General Assembly last year, before Burma’s appointment, was that the country must be pushed in the right direction—the direction in which it is now moving—if it expected to have the chairmanship, and those nations seem to be working well together.
(13 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberThe hon. Gentleman is absolutely right. I was the agent for the no vote in Bedfordshire in 1975, so I have a track record.
Is our political class frightened that, if the British people voted to leave the European Union, we would no longer be a member of the common fisheries policy? Are they frightened that we might regain control of our fishing waters, stop the fishing free-for-all and see our fish stocks recover? Is it frightened that we would no longer have to subscribe to the common agricultural policy, and that we could instead choose to subsidise our farming, as and when, and where, we considered it appropriate and necessary? Is it frightened that we would no longer have to contribute to the European Union budget, at a cost of many billions a year, and rising? I cannot for the life of me see why such developments are so frightening.
There is also the old chestnut about Britain’s economic dependence on the EU, and the number of jobs that people say could be lost. We have heard a great deal about that tonight. The reality is that we have a massive trade deficit with the EU. In 2010, we bought £53.5 billion more from the rest of the EU than they bought from us. It is laughable that the EU could start a trade war with the UK, when it needs us so much more than we need it.
Does my hon. Friend feel comfortable being bracketed with those such as the hon. Member for Harwich and North Essex (Mr Jenkin) who want to take away the rights of workers and recalibrate arrangements more towards employers?
I want this Parliament, not Brussels, to decide our employment laws. I have every confidence that the British people will vote in a Labour Government next time, to restore powers to trade unions and to working people. That is what I shall always fight for.
If we were to leave the EU, we should also find ourselves not bound by EU competition rules, so that we could, for example—and uninhibited by Brussels—buy trains from Bombardier, rather than from continental producers. We could also stop EU rules being used to promote the privatisation of the NHS. So what is there to fear? Rather, I think that there would be great advantages to being independent of the EU, and I have not heard a compelling argument to the contrary. I am going to vote for the motion tonight. This is the beginning of a long campaign, and I look forward to its successful end.