Finance (No. 2) Bill

Debate between Geoffrey Clifton-Brown and Gideon Amos

2nd reading
Tuesday 16th December 2025 Commons Chamber

[Gideon Amos (Taunton and Wellington) (LD)]

In contrast to the Budget and its effects, so much about business in Taunton and Wellington is on the up thanks to the enterprise, community spirit and business nous of people there. In Wellington, the new community hub in the Kings Arms—with a café set to open in the new year—where I held my surgery last Friday, is a huge success thanks to volunteers such as Cliff and many others. New units are going up in Westpark, and new retail and food outlets are popping up all over the town. In Taunton, footfall has jumped by 2.1%—four times the national average increase of 0.5%. Lots of independent shops, such as Dosha Wellness and The Little Cheese Shop, have recently opened. We have great pubs and restaurants, too. In just the past few months, we have seen The Winchester open in Castle Green, Tap One in the independent quarter and The Chapel Tap in the town centre. I thank all those business people who are committing to Taunton and Wellington and opening businesses in our area.

However, these hospitality and drinks businesses are not sharing the joy this Christmas from the Budget, and neither are our farmers. The Lib Dems would not have levied the family farm tax—I voted against resolution 50. Instead of abolishing the penal anti-forestalling clause as many have called for, the confirmation of the transfer by the Government of the £1 million allowance between spouses and partners, though welcome, does not go anywhere near what was needed.

Hospitality and drinks businesses are worried about increasing duty and business rates. Cider is worth £150 million to the south-west economy, but cider makers are struggling. One in my constituency has pointed out that orchards take 10 years to become mature, demanding contracts of 25 to 30 years. Cider plays a huge role in supporting our agriculture and maintaining the countryside, so it delivers a public good. However, the fact that it represents only 6% of the sector means that it is much more vulnerable to duty changes and price changes. What cider needed from this Budget was a 5% duty cut to put back the original differential with beer duty.

Hospitality believed that its rates would go down—it believed the famous “permanently lower business rates” promise—but they have actually gone up. Philippe, a partner of The Little Wine Shop, which is a fantastic brasserie in my constituency, tells me that the Budget means

“less hours for my staff, therefore less revenue for the treasury”

as he is closing one day per week. He says:

“we will stop employing young people (16 years old)”

and

“I have 3 members of staff leaving by mid-March, I will replace only one if I am still open by then! I AM FUMING!”

What does the Minister say to Philippe in my constituency?

We have discovered since the Budget that hospitality rateable values have increased, helping to cancel out the new multiplier. For another business owner, Mr Miles, although his valuation has actually gone down by 10%, his business rates bill has gone up by 12%. What does the Minister have to say to those at Mr Miles tea room as they work to keep the lights on in the high street? As the owner of the other great Winchester pub in my constituency, the Winchester Arms, has pointed out, pubs have to pay business rates according to their turnover. What other business is subjected to the disincentive that when they increase turnover, their property rates increase? The answer is none. What Taunton and Wellington residents and high streets needed from this Budget was a boost.

[Sir Geoffrey Clifton-Brown (North Cotswolds) (Con)]

Like me, the hon. Gentleman represents a constituency in the south-west where hospitality businesses of all sorts will be very heavily hit by this Budget. They have seen rate increases. They have seen increases in alcohol duty, increases in the minimum wage and national insurance increases. Some of them are literally going to be taxed out of existence. This Government say they support small businesses. That could not be further from the truth.

[Gideon Amos]

I agree with the hon. Gentleman. Small businesses are the backbone of the economy, and the promise to reform business rates made by the last Government needs to be delivered upon by this Government.

As I was saying, as a result of quantitative easing funds, the big four banks alone will make £50 billion of profit this year. The boost that people and the high street need is both the cut to electricity bills and the 5% VAT cut that the Lib Dems propose, funded by a windfall tax on those bank profits. It is time the Government backed small businesses like those in Taunton and Wellington—part of the biggest and most important sector of the British economy—after the economic chaos under the Conservatives. It would be a boost to going out in the evening, a boost to our pubs and restaurants, and a positive boost to the economy. That is the kind of Budget we needed, and that is the kind of Budget the Liberal Democrats would have delivered.

Planning and Infrastructure Bill

Debate between Geoffrey Clifton-Brown and Gideon Amos

2nd reading
Monday 24th March 2025 Commons Chamber

[Gideon Amos]

If the hon. Gentleman is so interested in our debates, he should please come and join our next party conference. We would be delighted to debate whether our targets should be 150,000 social rent homes per year or 300,000 general needs homes per year. Of course, we need both, and that was the conclusion of our very thoughtful and timely conference debate.

I congratulate the Minister for Housing and Planning and the Secretary of State—the Deputy Prime Minister—on lifting that cap, on bringing strategic planning into the Bill and on the changes to national policy statements. I also congratulate them on the new nature restoration fund, where it provides support in relation to issues such as nutrient neutrality. As was pointed out by my hon. Friend the Member for Glastonbury and Somerton (Sarah Dyke), that is holding back thousands of homes in Somerset, and we welcome the change.

Friends of the Earth has welcomed the nature restoration fund, but points out that it is very unclear how the nature restoration levy will work alongside other regimes. In that respect and many others, the Bill is short on the key principles. It is big on powers for the Secretary of State, but short on how those powers will be exercised. The Bill does not just lack details; it lacks some really big and important principles, including how that will work with other regimes. The funding of the nature restoration levy needs to be up front, so that nature restoration work begins straightaway.

We ask the Minister and the Government to enshrine in the Bill the principle that, on each site, development should first no do harm. That principle needs to be guaranteed its place at the top of the hierarchy of mitigation when it comes to protecting our environment.

[Sir Geoffrey Clifton-Brown]

On the point about not doing any harm to nature, would the hon. Member’s party support the water companies becoming statutory consultees so that we can ensure that, with any new housing, not a litre of extra sewage goes into our rivers?

[Gideon Amos]

We would support that, as we did in a Westminster Hall debate very recently. We should be hearing such voices in the planning system, not shutting them out of the planning system.

On energy infrastructure, we welcome support for battery storage and improving access to the grid. Transmission connections are a huge source of delay—one of the biggest bottlenecks for renewable energy. But if we are to unblock that infrastructure, we need to go much further. All large-scale infrastructure projects, not just electricity transmission, should give people direct community benefit. Whether wind farm, solar farm, battery array or gas-fired power station, those living nearby should benefit through local investment or lower bills.

We also support the ambition to streamline planning for major projects, with exceptions on taking category 3 people out of compulsory purchase consultations. Let us note again who the real blockers were on these really big projects. They were not the people. It was nothing to do with local communities or the planning profession—I declare an interest as a member of the planning profession—and it was not councils. It was Ministers who left decisions lying on their desks, wrecking the timescales scrupulously followed by other parties in the process, so let us not blame people for politicians’ failures.

There are things to welcome in the Bill, but it hits the wrong target in many important areas, and this is where I must raise some more serious concerns. The detail provided in the changes to national infrastructure projects is good, but it is in real contrast to other areas of the Bill. There are many Henry VIII clauses that give sweeping powers to the Secretary of State and a democratic deficit is becoming a serious concern. For all that we welcome the aim to deliver homes, the Bill takes aim at communities, when we should be encouraging and empowering them to deliver and create the homes and places we want to see. I say again that racking up permissions—we already have a staggering 1.5 million homes without permission—will not ensure a single one gets built. We need to tackle the failure to build out of permissions granted by taking back the land or further limiting the lifetime of permissions. “Use it or lose it” needs to be the message.

Unless we deal with the supply chain issues and the lack of skills, we will have even more blockers on development.