Renters’ Rights Bill

Earl of Leicester Excerpts

Tuesday 4th February 2025 Lords Chamber

[The Earl of Leicester (Con)]

My Lords, I refer your Lordships to my property interests as set out in the register, specifically a large and historic portfolio of houses in Norfolk, 93% of which are leased to local people and key workers, all living in and contributing to the local community year-round. I say this because it is really important—due to its popularity as a holiday destination, North Norfolk District Council lies third in the rankings, behind Westminster and Kensington and Chelsea, for second home ownership. I could increase my income, like many of my neighbours do, by renting these out as holiday cottages, but I do not because I am acutely aware of how crucial they are to maintaining the social fabric in a rural community where property prices and demand are sky high and where there is very little public provision.

The Labour Government intend to transform the experience of private renting through introducing reforms that level the playing field between landlords and tenants. For them, abolishing Section 21 and restricting the use of Section 13 notices, while increasing many other safeguards for tenants, will allow for the growth of communities and reduce the risk of homelessness. Clearly, from what I have just said, I too am pro-community and anti-homelessness, which is where the Government and I are aligned. Where we differ, however, is in our understanding of the true effects that these reforms will have on the private renting market, particularly in rural communities.

In the rural private housing sector, this Bill will lead to a decrease in the number of properties available in an already struggling market. The Country Land and Business Association has surveyed its membership and found that 44% of rural private landlords are planning to sell or change the use class of their properties in the next two years. During that same period, only 21% are planning to build new properties. I am no economist, but I understand supply and demand. A diminished supply of properties will inevitably lead to a price increase for consumers. In fact, that has already been occurring. Since April 2018, there has been a net loss of properties in the rural private rented sector. In a poll, nearly 90% of rural private landlords gave changes to PRS tenancies as a cause for their decision to change use class. More specifically, 57% of CLA members cited the removal of Section 21 as the reason for the net loss, as did a greater number in Scotland, where it has already happened.

Despite my talking predominantly about rural areas, these same issues will also develop in urban regions. Not only will these changes lead to supply issues and thus price rises but the lack of supply will ultimately add strain to housing associations and municipal housing.

The rural economy differs from that of other sectors. Rural business owners commonly offer accommodation within their employment packages. It is a vital part of their ability to attract staff in—let us say—the tourism or hospitality industries. Following the passing of this Bill, especially with the absence of Section 21, I fear for the crucial ability of landlords to remain flexible and adaptable to their ever-changing business needs. Specifically, I am adamant that the new grounds for possession that refer strictly to “agricultural” landlords and workers must be broadened to include the 85% of rural businesses which are not involved with farming or forestry. If accommodation cannot be recovered quickly from previous employees, this economic system will break, but I wonder whether this Government care or even understand this. They have not shown a great understanding of the rural economy thus far.

I want to mention the provision to allow tenants rights to keep a pet. I wholly understand the benefits a pet can bring to family life, enhancing the mental health of those who are lonely, for example. Indeed, we benefit from having three family dogs and, I joke not, a recently deceased parrot. He died three weeks ago and, coincidentally, was called Basil.

I should mention, as set out in the register of interests, that I am a trustee of SongBird Survival, a charity that funds scientific research identifying the reasons for declines in the number of songbirds. The charity has funded work with Reading University’s Dr Hugh Hanmer showing that cats can travel long distances and can affect the natural environment beyond their home range. It also funded work with Exeter University’s Professor Robbie McDonald and Dr Sarah Crowley in 2019 and 2020 studying the drivers and facilitators of hunting behaviour and options for management of said cats. Conservative estimates ascribe 90 million deaths of songbirds to cats per annum. As a result of this real threat to biodiversity, landlords should be allowed to ban cats from some of their properties which are in particularly sensitive rural areas; for example, near SSSIs or NNRs.

There are also very serious issues with the Bill related to student accommodation, but I will let others speak more eloquently on that. 

Present, chronic court backlogs, along with the generally underresourced judicial system, will cause a crisis in people’s access to justice. Dispute resolution firm Excello Law said that in this Bill:

“The risk to both tenants and landlords is the existing backlogs in the court system. Trying to obtain possession orders will be protracted, causing uncertainty and delays for both landlords and tenants”.


More than 4.5 million households will need tenancy agreements updating; letting agent staff and landlords will need to undertake training, and insurance and mortgage providers will need to adjust policies and rates. I hope the Government pay attention to that and allow time for it to happen before the Bill becomes law.

Overall, rural or not, I stand by the fact that landlords want to keep tenants. They do not want voids, which are very expensive. I balk at the sentiment brought by this Bill, which assumes that private landlords in this country are, on the whole, bad. They provide a very valuable service which often—through mere geography —housing associations or councils are unable to provide; indeed, they complement them. The vast majority of landlords are excellent people, who are human and want to develop a relationship with their tenants. I have concerns that provisions in the Bill pertaining to challenging rents at tribunal where there is no downside for the tenant could put pressure on those trying to foster positive relations as more vexatious claims are pursued.

This Bill will penalise the whole sector, and the ramifications will be felt across the country for years, putting extra pressure on already-struggling housing associations and the diminishing number of municipally owned council houses. It is not difficult to imagine a world in which, through this Bill, the Government exacerbate the problems of 11 million private renters, 2.3 million landlords and, ultimately, themselves.