Baroness Taylor of Stevenage
That the Bill be now read a second time.
Scottish and Welsh Legislative Consent sought.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government (Baroness Taylor of Stevenage) (Lab)
My Lords, I extend my thanks to the many noble Lords with whom I have spoken about this Bill, and to Members of this House and people outside it who have worked so hard to improve the private rented sector over many years. I am looking forward to the maiden speeches of my noble friends Lady Brown and Lord Wilson.
The private rental system needs to change. It currently provides the least affordable, poorest quality and most insecure housing of all tenures. The insecurity it engenders creates uncertainty in the lives of tenants and allows good landlords to be undercut by the minority of rogues and chancers. In short, the 11 million private renters and the 2.3 million landlords across England are being failed.
The Renters’ Rights Bill brings forward the most significant changes to the sector for nearly 40 years. The Bill will strengthen the security of tenure for tenants; ensure that they are paying a fair rent; guarantee a minimum standard that they can expect from a property; provide new robust avenues to redress; and more. The Government have worked closely with those across the sector to ensure that the Bill’s measures strike the right balance. I will set out some of these key measures.
As many noble Lords will be aware, the Bill will deliver the Government’s manifesto commitment to abolish Section 21 no-fault evictions as soon as possible, removing the threat of arbitrary eviction and granting renters the security and stability they deserve. Section 21 evictions can wreak havoc with tenants’ employment, schooling and lives in general. As leader of Stevenage Council, I saw at first hand the knock-on effects that arbitrary evictions can have on families’ physical and mental health, with more people pushed into inadequate temporary accommodation. The case that always sticks with me is that of the parents of a child with special educational needs, who fought and fought to get their child into a school near where they lived but were then evicted from the very property that was near to that school.
It is unacceptable that over 123,000 households in England are currently living in temporary accommodation. This includes 159,380 children—the highest number of children in temporary accommodation on record. Removing this threat will immediately improve the lives of millions.
The Government also recognise that the vast majority of landlords provide an excellent service, and it is vital to ensure landlords can reclaim their properties when they need to. To this end, new, clear and expanded possession grounds will be introduced. We will ensure these are as watertight as possible, so that they cannot be abused by landlords seeking possession for the wrong reasons. These robust grounds will ensure that there is no room for loopholes in the system, and tenants will benefit from longer notice and protected periods.
The new tenancy system will operate on the basis of periodic tenancies. This will support tenants who want to leave poor-quality homes or face circumstances such as domestic abuse. Tenants will be able to give two months’ notice at any point.
I know several noble Lords have raised concerns about the removal of fixed-term tenancies. To be clear, it is a core principle of this Bill, and this Government’s firm belief, that there is no place for fixed terms in the future assured tenancy system. Both landlords and tenants will benefit from a simpler system, with a single set of rights and responsibilities. Neither group should be locked into a fixed term if their circumstances change.
In designing the grounds, the Government took time to ensure the Bill works for everyone, including students. To meet this goal, a new possession ground has been created to allow landlords renting to students in HMOs to seek possession ahead of each new academic year, facilitating the yearly cycle of short-term student tenancies. To further protect the student market, private purpose-built student accommodation will be removed from the assured tenancy system in recognition of the limited market such accommodation focuses on, and the differences between purpose-built accommodation and “off-street” private housing rented to students. Providers must sign up to government-approved codes of practice, which will ensure homes are safe and good quality, to be removed from the assured tenancy system.
The Bill also makes changes to the system by which rent can be increased, preventing unscrupulous landlords from using unfair rent increases to evict tenants by the back door. Landlords will now be able to increase rents only once per year and they must do so through the Section 13 process. Tenants will be empowered to challenge egregious increases at the First-tier Tribunal, without fear of receiving a higher rent than the landlord initially intended.
To further support tenants trying to do the right thing, a mandatory repeated rent arrears ground will not be included in the Bill. We will also increase the mandatory threshold for eviction under the mandatory rent arrears ground from two to three months.
The Bill proposes new laws to end the cruel practice of rental bidding wars by landlords and letting agents. For too many tenants, rental bidding restricts their ability to make an informed choice about one of the most financially significant decisions they face. They are led to think they have found a property they can afford to rent, only to discover they would need to pay way over the asking price to secure it. Our reforms will end this practice for good. Landlords and letting agents will be required to publish an asking rent for their property and will then be prohibited from asking for, encouraging or accepting a higher offer.
Following amendment on Report in the Commons, the Bill will also limit the amount of rent in advance that a landlord can require after the tenancy has been signed but before the tenant has taken possession to a maximum of one month. That aside, landlords will no longer be able to include any terms in the tenancy agreement that have the effect of requiring rent to be paid prior to the rent due date. Tenants will retain the flexibility to make payments of rent in advance during the tenancy should they wish to do so. Taken together, these measures will prevent the small number of unscrupulous landlords setting tenants against each other or excluding altogether renters who are perfectly able to afford the monthly rent on a property.
Everyone in the private rented sector is entitled to a safe and decent home. This Bill will make it illegal for landlords and letting agents in England, Scotland and Wales to discriminate against tenants in receipt of benefits or because they have children. Local councils will have strong enforcement powers to tackle unlawful practices related to rental discrimination. Mortgage lenders and insurers will also no longer be able to impose restrictive discriminatory terms.
Pets can bring a huge amount of joy to people’s lives, and this cannot be restricted to those lucky enough to own their own home. We are committed to supporting responsible pet ownership in the private rented sector. The Bill will ensure that landlords do not unreasonably withhold consent when a tenant requests to have a pet in their home, with the tenant able to challenge unfair decisions. We know that some landlords are concerned about potential damage caused by pets. That is why the Bill will allow landlords to require insurance covering pet damage. I thank the noble Earl, Lord Kinnoull, and the noble Lords, Lord Trees and Lord de Clifford, for their fantastic expertise, which they have shared with us to ensure that these reforms will work as intended. We continue to work with them.
The decent homes standard, which applies only to the social rented sector, will apply to the private rented sector and be enforceable for the first time. This will ensure that privately rented homes are safe, secure and hazard free, tackling the blight of poor-quality homes. The Bill will also extend the application of Awaab’s law to the private rented sector, enabling the setting of clear legal expectations about the timeframes within which landlords must make homes safe when they contain serious hazards. We will launch a consultation on the content of the decent homes standard for social and privately rented homes in the coming months. We will also set out further information about the timescales for implementation in due course.
The Bill provides for the introduction of a new PRS landlord ombudsman service that will deliver quick, fair, impartial and binding resolutions for tenants whose landlords fail to resolve legitimate complaints. The ombudsman will support a number of the new measures the Bill introduces—for example, giving tenants further opportunity to escalate issues where a landlord has encouraged a bidding war or unreasonably refused a pet.
The Housing Ombudsman Service has extensive experience in tenant-landlord services and redress and is well placed to deliver streamlined redress for both private and social tenants. We said in opposition that we agreed with this approach, and we are still of that view. However, this is not a final decision. We will continue working to design the best possible service for users and, following a full value-for-money assessment, we will determine who is best placed to deliver a high- quality service.
This Bill also introduces a private rented sector database, through which tenants will be able to access information to inform choices when entering new tenancies. Landlords will be able to understand their obligations and demonstrate compliance, and local authorities will be able to use the database to target enforcement activity. We will continue to consider what information is necessary to collect to support more informed rental experiences for tenants, and to provide local authorities with a dataset which will support the enforcement of health and safety standards in the private rented sector.
The changes I have just mentioned have the potential to transform the experience of renting in England, but their success is contingent on effective enforcement. The Bill will strengthen local councils’ enforcement powers and introduce a new requirement for councils to report on enforcement activity. The Bill includes a staged enforcement framework for local authority enforcement. New maximum penalties of £7,000 and £40,000 will be introduced for initial or minor compliance and for serious, repeat or persistent non-compliance respectively.
The Bill will also significantly strengthen rent repayment orders. This will provide a stronger deterrent against non-compliance and further empower tenants to take action against landlords when they commit offences. More offences will be brought into the scope of rent repayment orders. Further changes include making sure superior landlords and company directors can be held liable, and doubling the maximum amount a landlord can be ordered to pay from one to two years’ rent. We are also doubling the period in which tenants and local authorities can apply for a rent repayment order and requiring repeat offenders to pay the maximum amount.
New investigatory powers will make it easier for councils to identify and fine unscrupulous landlords. Local authorities will be able to request information from third parties and enter business premises and—in much more limited circumstances—residential premises to gather evidence where required. The new powers contain safeguards to ensure that they are used appropriately and proportionately.
It is imperative that the reforms in the Bill can be handled by the courts and tribunals system; many noble Lords have expressed concerns about this and have raised them with me. I want to reassure noble Lords that we are working closely with the Ministry of Justice to ensure that the justice system is prepared for the implementation of this Bill. Most tenancies end without court proceedings being required, and the digitisation of the court possession process will make the process easier to navigate for landlords and tenants in those cases where they are. I will be meeting very soon with a number of noble Lords who have expressed interest in this digitisation process, and I look forward to that further engagement.
I know we all share a wish to see fairness and proportionality in any regulatory framework. We believe we have achieved that in our reforms, and I very much look forward to your Lordships’ scrutiny of the Bill. The Bill ensures that tenants can put down roots in their communities. They deserve to enjoy that stability, just as home owners do, and we should reward landlords who provide the excellent service that so many of them do. This will be the biggest change to the experience of renting in this country for generations. I believe the measures in the Renters’ Rights Bill are sufficiently comprehensive, robust and balanced to achieve that change, and give all tenants a better place to call home. I beg to move.
Baroness Scott of Bybrook (Con)
My Lords, I declare my interest as set out in the register as vice-president of the Local Government Association. I very much look forward to the maiden speeches of the noble Baroness, Lady Brown of Silvertown, and the noble Lord, Lord Wilson of Sedgefield, and welcome them to the House.
The Renters’ Rights Bill is counterproductive. While the Government may have good intentions, they will drive landlords from the market—reducing choice and putting up rent for the tenants they seek to protect. While we discuss this Bill, it is important to remind ourselves who landlords are: around 45% own one rental property, with another 40% owning two to four. In many, if not most, cases these are not professional landlords; they may have gained an extra property when a family member has died or through marriage later in life, or perhaps they invested in a property or two to use as a pension. To expect them to be able to cope with all the costs and burdens placed on them by this Bill is at best naive. Many decent landlords and safe, quality homes will leave the rental market as a result.
We must absolutely deal with bad landlords, but in most circumstances there is no reason a good landlord would want to lose a good tenant. It is in their interest to keep a steady income from a reliable tenant who respects their property. Having an empty property is expensive, and there are significant fees and paperwork involved with finding a new tenant. While trying to protect and improve living conditions for renters, the Government should be very careful not to do the opposite and make it worse for them.
The last Conservative Government introduced our own version of this Bill, the Renters (Reform) Bill. It was first introduced to the House of Commons in May 2023 and eventually had its Second Reading in your Lordships’ House in May 2024, but was not taken any further before the general election. The Bill did not make quick progress because we wanted to take our time to get this right. We listened to representations from the sector and carefully considered the impact of our policies. We made changes during the Bill’s passage through the House of Commons, most notably on the readiness of the courts, and further changes were planned for the House of Lords, most notably to carve out student lets.
We recognise that some reform to our rental market was necessary to protect tenants from the abuse at the hands of rogue landlords, but it was always important to us that we balance the rights of tenants to live safely and peacefully in the homes they were renting with the rights of landlords, particularly with respect to their property rights.
The Government were trying to balance the see-saw, and I know we did not get everything right. Many felt that the measures introduced by the Bill went too far in favour of tenants and too far against the landlords in a way that would work to the detriment of the rental market, and I have sympathy with that. However, we listened to the concerns that were raised and we were making changes to the Bill as it progressed.
If the Renters (Reform) Bill did not quite balance the see-saw, the Renters Rights’ Bill tips it over. This is not the same Bill that the last Conservative Government introduced, and the Government are rushing it through without any care for the repercussions that will reverberate throughout the sector. Labour has abandoned our commitment to improvements in His Majesty’s Courts & Tribunals Service before abolishing Section 21 for existing tenancies, as well as our six-month implementation period before abolishing Section 21 for new tenancies. This means that our courts will not be resourced as they need to be. Labour has also abandoned our requirement for the Lord Chancellor to assess the courts’ possession processes before abolishing Section 21 for existing tenancies, which would have ensured that they were ready for the changes first.
Labour has abandoned our plans that would have stopped tenants being able to give notice during the first six months, to give landlords some predictability and protect them against tenants seeking to exploit these new arrangements for rolling tenancies such as holiday lets. Labour has abandoned our plans to make it easier to remove anti-social tenants, which we were changing from “likely” to cause a nuisance or annoyance to “capable” of doing so, making it much harder to evict those who deserve to be evicted. Labour has also abandoned our commitment to sufficiently carve out student accommodation, where it is essential that both landlords and tenants have the certainty of fixed-term contracts to plan for subsequent years.
Not only have the Government removed many of the safeguards and improvements for landlords that we put in the Bill but they have added many concerning measures of their own. They are increasing the mandatory eviction threshold for rent arrears from two months to three months, significantly increasing the loss incurred by landlords when a tenant is not paying for the property they are occupying. They are shortening the time limit for landlords to consider a pet, which we know to be a significant issue. They are rushing, in our opinion, the implementation for the private sector of Awaab’s law—a law that was designed for the social housing sector and that could have significant implications for smaller landlords if not implemented very carefully.
If that was not enough, Labour took the Bill even further, through the amendments it made in the House of Commons. It introduced amendments to include restricting the payment of rent in advance, which will hit most severely self-employed renters and those with bad credit ratings, where a landlord is now even less likely to want to take the risk on them. It introduced amendments requiring landlords to pay compensation to tenants when they possess their properties, burdening landlords with even more unfair costs, even if they have no choice but to take their property back and may have already spent a lot of money to do so.
Much has changed since the original Bill was introduced, and we must acknowledge the broader context that the Bill and the sector find themselves in. Landlords are leaving the rental sector at a higher rate than ever, with many citing rental reforms as their reason for leaving. Rightmove has estimated that 18% of homes up for sale were previously rented, compared with 8% in 2010. In London, where we know the problem in the rental market can be most acute, the situation is even worse: 29% of homes for sale in our capital city were previously rented out.
On top of this inflated package of rental reforms, landlords now have the minimum energy-efficiency standards to contend with. Ed Miliband, the Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, is requiring all private and social rented homes to meet EPC C by 2030. The industry estimates that this could cost the sector £25 billion—an average of £5,400 per home. This is a cost that many landlords, particularly those with only one or two properties, just cannot take.
Of course, this is set against a backdrop of ever-increasing taxation from a Government who do not understand how our economy works. All these issues compound to make our country an unattractive, burdensome and expensive place to be a landlord, however fair and decent one might be to their tenants.
There is always a balance to be found with legislation, and in this case respect for property rights is essential for investment and stability. I would expect the risk of legal challenge on this Bill to be very high. There will certainly be a few interested parties queuing up to challenge the Government over the rights to their own property. If the Government are not careful, and continue with such an aggressive pursuit of landlords, there is a good chance that their Bill will get stuck in the courts and not be able to benefit anyone.
In Scotland, similar legislation has resulted in the highest rent increases in the United Kingdom because of demand far outstripping supply. The Nationwide Foundation found that 70% of landlords and letting agents lack confidence in the future of the sector. This has led to a significant reduction in rental stock, which has made it much more difficult and expensive for tenants, especially those on low incomes, to find a home. We must learn from Scotland’s mistakes.
There will always be people who want, or need, to rent rather than buy their home. We must ensure that there is a stable rental market for them, and we will do all we can to convince the Government to think carefully about how they proceed. We intend to table amendments to address some of the most pressing concerns, including: the capacity and operation of the courts; student landlords, who need certainty of length of tenure and other mutually agreeable fixed-term contracts; some exemptions for smaller landlords, who are less able to weather these changes; the availability of insurance for damage caused by pets; consideration of the property rights of landlords; and the impact on the housing market. We will pursue these amendments for the benefit of landlords and tenants alike, because we know what will happen if we do not.
The Government’s own impact assessment acknowledges that tenants will see increased costs as a result of their policies, saying
“it is likely that landlords will pass through some costs of new policies to tenants in the form of higher rents—to offset those costs and maintain a degree of profit”.
Surely the Government cannot want this, and I hope that they will listen to the concerns being raised by the sector and by many noble Lords across this House before it is too late.
Baroness Taylor of Stevenage (Lab)
My Lords, I thank all noble Lords for their excellent contributions. It has been a very interesting and thoughtful debate, and it has been a pleasure to listen to the contributions with the expertise that we have around the House. At times, I felt a bit like Doctor Dolittle, as the debates ranged from fleas, to parrots, to packs of Alsatians— I will come on to pets in a moment.
First, I congratulate my noble friends Lord Wilson of Sedgefield and Lady Brown of Silvertown on their outstanding maiden speeches. The noble Lord, Lord Wilson, made very moving references to the history of our industrial heritage and his own family’s part in that. I congratulate him on his new grandchild and wish his mum a happy 100th birthday.
I was very pleased to hear about the East End heritage of the noble Baroness, Lady Brown. That is where my own family came from, with my dad’s family growing up in Bethnal Green and then Walthamstow, in Highams Park where I spent a great deal of my childhood with my granny. I welcome both noble Lords to the House; we all very much look forward to working with them. All three of us are examples of the social mobility which should be everyone’s opportunity, not just in our country but, as the noble Baroness, Lady Brown, pointed out, across the world. Safe, secure, affordable housing is part of that social mobility, so it is very appropriate for today’s debate.
I will endeavour to respond to all the points raised by noble Lords. There was a great deal raised in the debate, so, if I miss anything, I will of course write to noble Lords afterwards. We can also have many further discussions in Committee on these points.
Before I get on to those specific points, as others have said, it is a bit disappointing, bearing in mind that this builds on the Bill brought by the previous Government, that the Conservatives voted against this Bill in the Commons. To the remarks of the noble Lord, Lord Howard, about my Government’s competency on housing, I hope he was listening to what many other Peers said about the housing crisis, because it is his party that has presided over that, not mine.
I will go into some more detail on the Bill and the points that noble Lords have made. There were some very important issues raised, to which we will give much further consideration in Committee. Abolishing Section 21 was mentioned by many noble Lords, but by the noble Baronesses, Lady Scott and Lady Thornhill, and the noble Lord, Lord Cromwell, in particular. It is one of the Government’s most pressing objectives to remove Section 21 from the statute book as soon as possible. The new tenancy system for the private rented sector will be introduced in one stage. At this point, it will apply to all private rented tenancies and existing tenancies will convert to the new system, including those that currently have a fixed term. New tenancies signed after the date will also be governed by the new rules: thereafter, no private landlord will be able to serve a new Section 21 notice. This single date will prevent a confusing two-tier system and give all tenants security in their homes immediately.
As the noble Baroness, Lady Thornhill, said, I am very grateful for all the briefings we have received on this and to all those organisations that have campaigned so hard and for so long on behalf of both landlords and tenants. I reassure noble Lords that we will work closely with all parts of the sector, including the courts, to ensure a smooth transition to the new system, and we will provide sufficient notice ahead of implementation.
The noble Baronesses, Lady Eaton and Lady Thornhill, and the noble Lords, Lord Howard, Lord Cromwell and Lord Marlesford, made points about the abolition of fixed terms. I understand the concerns about that but, as I made clear in my opening speech, this is a core principle of the Bill and a change this Government believe is fundamental to providing security of tenure. It was also the policy of the last Government and stands as a core foundation of our tenancy regime. We just do not accept that fixed terms offer the best structure for renters. They oblige them to pay rent regardless of the standard of the property or whether it is best for their circumstances, and they restrict renters’ freedom to move if they need to.
These changes do not pose any threat to good landlords who operate fairly and comply with the rules. Tenants do not move house unless they absolutely have to, because of the cost and upheaval. If they leave, they will be required to provide two months’ notice, giving landlords time to find new tenants. We are not prepared to lock tenants in for longer, which would prevent them leaving properties with dangerous hazards or even in situations of domestic abuse.
Several noble Lords—I will go through the list, as there was quite a lot of them—mentioned the potential impact of these reforms on supply in the private rented sector. They include the noble Lord, Lord Best, who was a bit more positive about this, as well as the noble Baronesses, Lady Scott and Lady Thornhill, the noble Lords, Lord Willetts, Lord Shipley, Lord Thurlow, Lord Carter, Lord Howard, Lord Cromwell, Lord Northbrook and Lord Jamieson, the noble and learned Lord, Lord Etherton, and the noble Earl, Lord Lytton. I understand the concerns about supply; we have considered it very carefully. While we understand that the new system may spark a period of adaptation, we do not believe that the reforms will lead to the sort of landlord exodus that some have mooted. The sector has doubled in size since the early 2000s, and there is no evidence of an exodus since the reform has been put on the table. In addition, the recent 2023-24 English Housing Survey indicated that the size of the PRS has remained broadly stable since 2013-14.
Our proposals will make sure that landlords have the confidence and support they need to continue to invest and operate in the sector. The noble Lord, Lord Best, made some good points about the potential for PRS properties to return to social housing; I would like to think that that might be the case, but we will wait to see whether that happens. Some local authorities are already starting to buy up private property that comes on the market.
Noble Lords raised the issue of the affordability of properties, including my noble friend Lady Lister—who made a very powerful intervention, and I am grateful to her for that—the noble Lords, Lord Truscott and Lord Desai, and the noble Baronesses, Lady Thornhill and Lady Janke. We recognise the affordability pressures faced by those living in the private rented sector. The Renters’ Rights Bill works to strengthen tenants’ rights as a whole. Stronger powers to challenge excessive rent hikes complement the increase in security through the abolition of Section 21 evictions. Tenants will no longer be too frightened of eviction to challenge bad behaviour. The Bill takes practical steps to help renters, by ending unfair bidding wars, preventing landlords demanding large amounts of rent in advance, and tackling rental discrimination. We hope that that will help.
My noble friend Lady Lister raised the issue of local housing allowances. To deliver our commitment to build more affordable homes, we have had to take some difficult decisions to address the challenging fiscal context. The Government currently spend around £30 billion annually on housing support, and the April 2024 one-year local housing allowance increase will cost an additional £1.2 billion in 2024-25 and approximately £7 billion over five years. However, we will keep this under review and continue to look at it.
The noble Baroness, Lady Scott, and the noble Lords, Lord Truscott, Lord Marlesford, Lord Northbrook and Lord Jamieson, the noble Earl, Lord Kinnoull, and others raised concerns about the strain on the court system. It is a serious concern, and we take it seriously. We do not believe that it is appropriate to tie in the implementation date of these urgently needed reforms to what could be a subjective assessment of court readiness. I reassure your Lordships that we are working very closely with the Ministry of Justice to assess the impacts of our legislation on the courts and tribunals, and to ensure that the justice system is prepared for the implementation of the Bill more generally. Our discussions with the MoJ cover a range of options for managing the impact of these and our other housing reforms, including mitigations to help avoid disputes arising in the first place, thereby keeping away some of this from the courts, and to manage the risks that are associated.
After my many years in local government, I was not at all surprised that noble Lords raised the issue of local government resourcing. The noble Baronesses, Lady Eaton and Lady Thornhill, and the noble Lords, Lord Tope and Lord Davies, rightly pointed out that strengthening the enforcement framework will count for little if local authorities do not have the resources to act. Some local authorities already enforce effectively, but we acknowledge the resourcing challenges that many authorities face.
It should be noted that local authorities will not need to enforce the full set of reforms until later down the line, as measures in the Bill do not all happen at the same time. In the first instance, we want to pursue a “polluter pays” approach, which will see bad landlords meet the costs of the enforcement against them. We are supporting that by extending and increasing civil penalties, which will be ring-fenced for that enforcement. However, I accept that more must be done. In accordance with the new burdens doctrine—I think that the noble Lord, Lord Tope, asked about that—we will ensure that additional asks on local authorities as a result of our reforms are fully funded. We will look hard at how best we can further boost capacity and capability, to create that sustainable funding system over the longer term.
A number of noble Lords raised issues around extending the provisions in the Bill. The noble Baronesses, Lady Grender and Lady Thornhill, particularly referred to MoD accommodation, although I think other noble Lords raised this as well. The Government strongly agree that we should allow dedicated military personnel and their families safe and decent homes. However, bringing that accommodation within the scope of the Bill is not the right way to achieve that. The decent homes standard is already used by the MoD as a benchmark for service family accommodation. It has a policy that no homes fall below the decent homes standard and, if they do fall below this level during occupation, works are undertaken to restore them to the minimum standard.
The MoD has developed its own higher defence decent homes plus standard, its target standard for all service family accommodation, and MoD Ministers are committed to reviewing that target standard as part of the new military housing strategy for service accommodation, with the aim of improving the standard of service family accommodation across the estate. This is in line with the recommendations of the Kerslake review, which was mentioned by noble Lords, and the House of Commons Defence Committee’s recommendations in its report into service accommodation, which was published at the end of last year. The MoD will provide further information on this review early in this year.
On the extension to Home Office accommodation mentioned by the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Lincoln, the noble Baroness, Lady Lister, and the noble Lords, Lord Tope and Lord Davies, the contracts the Home Office has with providers of asylum accommodation should already require it to meet the decent homes standard. I have heard the messages from noble Lords and I will have further negotiations and discussions with colleagues in the Home Office about that. I have also seen the briefing by London Councils and, again, I will discuss that with Home Office colleagues. On temporary and emergency accommodation, we need to think about that and I will come back to that in Committee, if that is okay.
I thank the noble Lord, Lord Cashman, for his persistence in raising the issues of houseboat owners and residents. We recognise that the occupants of residential boats have the benefit of protection under the Protection from Eviction Act and wider consumer protection legislation, but they do not enjoy the same level of tenure security as those in the private rented sector. This Bill is focused on reforming the assured tenancy regime. Houseboat owners fall outside the scope of the assured tenancy regime, but we will consider what further action might be necessary to provide house- boat owners with greater security in their homes.
I move on to pets for a moment and some very interesting contributions on this subject from the noble Lords, Lord Trees, Lord Carter and Lord Black, the noble Baroness, Lady Fookes, and other noble Lords. I say to the noble Baroness, Lady Fookes, that I am very happy to have a meeting with her. The guidance may come from the outcomes of the appeals and our consideration as we go through Committee, but I thank her for her contribution. Very little can be done to evoke the same sense of joy, as the noble Lord, Lord Black, outlined, as a beloved family pet. We do not believe that experience should be denied to those who are not able to own their own home and, for this reason, we are introducing the right. There are reasonable limitations to that, but these measures will end the choice between having a pet or a rented home and ensure that everyone in England can benefit from the great companionship that having a pet brings.
I hope we can continue to work with the noble Earl, Lord Kinnoull, on the insurance issues. They were also raised by the noble Baroness, Lady Scott, and by the noble Lords, Lord de Clifford and Lord Trees. Landlords will be able to charge reasonable costs of insurance. We listen to the concerns that insurance products will not be available to cover the risks of pets, but there is currently a reduced demand for landlord pet insurance as many landlords simply refuse to allow pets. So we hope the market will respond to the increased demand for these products. To the noble Lord, Lord Trees, I say that I will take up his point about assistance dogs—that is an issue,
I think we have covered pets. On the issues around students, which many noble Lords have raised, we have introduced a new ground specific to the so-called typical students: those living in shared houses who sign up each year. This will preserve the annual cycle of student housing. I understand the issues raised by noble Lords and no doubt we will come back to this in Committee, but we must be very careful not to leave a loophole here. We do not intend this to capture every student—far from it. For example, I do not think that it is right for a parent who lives alone with their children to be evicted just because they are studying at university. Those tenants should have the same security as everyone else. To the noble Baroness, Lady Scott, my noble friend Lady Warwick and the noble Lords, Lord Willetts and Lord Shipley, we can discuss this further, but we need to proceed with caution here.
A number of noble Lords spoke about ground 4A being too narrow. The Government recognise the impact that the new tenancy system will have. While we believe the ground covers of the majority of the market, there is not a one-size-fits-all solution. We think it is reasonable that the ground will apply to full-time students in larger house-share situations. Students studying part-time alongside work or who live in smaller properties should enjoy the same security as other tenants.
The noble Baronesses, Lady Eaton and Lady Janke, and the noble Lords, Lord Northbrook and Lord Marlesford, raised rent increases. The Government are clear that this will stop a minority of rogue landlords who try to use rent increases as a means of back-door eviction. Measures in the Bill will ensure that this does not happen. All rent increases will take place via the Section 13 process, so the tenant can challenge them if necessary. That is really important in giving tenants the assurance that they need. We will allow only one rent increase per year and will increase the required notice to give tenants longer to prepare for rent increases.
The noble Lords, Lord Shipley, Lord Howard and Lord Inglewood, all raised the issue of rent appeals. We will give tenants greater confidence to challenge unfair rent increases at the First-tier Tribunal by ensuring that the tenant will not pay more than the landlord originally asked for, following a tribunal determination. We are going further. We will end the practice of backdating rent increases, to prevent tenants being thrust into debt. To protect the most vulnerable tenants, in cases of undue hardship the tribunal will be able to delay the start of the rent increase for up to two months. Taken together, these measures ensure that tenants have a right of appeal, and prevent rent increases being used as a back-door route to eviction.
The noble Baronesses, Lady Grender, Lady Jones and Lady Janke, and my noble friends Lady Lister and Lord Davies spoke passionately about rent controls. This is an important topic for me to clarify. The Government have no plans to implement rent controls. Doing so may hinder rather than help the market. The evidence strongly suggests that controls would have a long-term negative impact on housing supply, discouraging investment and leading to declining property standards. Heavy-handed controls tend to mean higher rents at the start of a tenancy and can make it harder for tenants to find a home. They also encourage the growth of unregulated subletting, as seen in countries such as Sweden, where rent controls have been introduced. These can leave the most vulnerable tenants exposed to even higher costs and minimal protections. That is not to say that the Government do not care deeply about affordability. We are helping with the practical steps of ending bidding wars, prohibiting requests for large amounts of upfront rent and empowering tenants to challenge unreasonable rent increases.
Noble Lords have suggested that the rent-in-advance provisions will make it harder for some tenants to access the private rented sector. We have heard the arguments that requesting large amounts of rent in advance can give landlords the confidence to let. However, for the majority of renters, who do not have access to large cash reserves, these requests are simply too big a price to pay. In terms of guarantors, landlords and agents will have the final say on who they let their property to.
We are clear that landlords should consider a tenant’s individual circumstances when negotiating the rental. They are free to agree rental conditions within the law that best enable a sustainable tenancy. Landlords will be able to continue to take a holding deposit of up to one week’s rent and a tenancy deposit of five or six weeks’ rent.
I see my time is drawing to a close, so I am going to conclude my remarks. I knew I would not get through all the issues, but I will respond in writing to all noble Peers who have taken part in the debate to answer the other questions. I reiterate my thanks to your Lordships for engagement with the Bill to this point. As the Bill progresses, I am very happy to accommodate any request from noble Lords for additional briefings, wherever possible and helpful.
The Renters’ Rights Bill honours our Government’s manifesto commitment to overhaul the regulation of the private rented sector. I believe these reforms take great strides in empowering tenants, giving them greater security and stopping them from being exploited. Landlords will also be supported, and rogue operators who tarnish the reputation of the good ones will be driven out. It is important to reiterate that the intention is not to demonise landlords or tenants; they both want stable tenancies with well-maintained properties and regular rent payments. I look forward very much to working with your Lordships during the passage of this important Bill, and I commend the Bill to the House.
Baroness Taylor of Stevenage
That the Bill be committed to a Committee of the Whole House, and that it be an instruction to the Committee of the Whole House that they consider the Bill in the following order: Clauses 1 to 4, Schedule 1, Clauses 5 to 31, Schedule 2, Clauses 32 to 74, Schedule 3, Clauses 75 to 101, Schedule 4, Clause 102, Schedule 5, Clauses 103 to 146, Schedule 6, Clauses 147 to 149, Title.