New Housing Supply
Debate between Damian Collins and Andy Slaughter
Mr Andy Slaughter (Hammersmith) (Lab)
I will certainly do that, Mr Deputy Speaker, and I apologise to the Minister if, given that we are going the distance, I have to leave before he speaks because I have a meeting before 7 pm.
I am sitting alongside my right hon. Friend the Member for Greenwich and Woolwich (Mr Raynsford) and the Chairman of the Communities and Local Government Committee, and that is as near as I will come to pretending expertise in my comments. Instead, I will give a consumer’s view of this subject, based on my experience as a constituency MP. My constituency admittedly has some of the highest housing costs in the country and—not unrelated to that—some of the greatest housing stresses and needs, but it is not untypical of London and other high-value areas, particularly in the south of the country.
As someone who has spent 20 years trying to build housing that is affordable to local people, I know that even at the best of times that is not easy because of land prices; subsidy is always difficult, particularly at the moment. Nevertheless, there is currently a development boom in west London, and it is envisaged that in three opportunity area sites in my small borough, 22,000 new properties will be built over the next 10 years or so. Those are the major sites but there are many other similar sites.
Housing policy states that at both regional and local level, 40% of houses built should be affordable, which is right. A third of existing housing stock in my constituency is affordable social housing, owned by the local authority or a housing association. At the same time, however, 11,000 people are on the waiting list because of severe overcrowding, conditions in the private rented sector and homelessness—I said that 11,000 people are on the housing waiting list and they will be for another four weeks until it is abolished on 1 April. Some 1,500 people will then possibly be rehoused at the subjective discretion of the local authority, depending on their individual merits as assessed on things such as community contribution, previous employment and matters not specifically related specifically to need. Other aspects of the Localism Act 2011 are being introduced with alacrity on short-term tenancies, affordable rents and other matters that, for the first time in generations, put at risk the right to a secure, affordable home for many people.
In those circumstances, one would think that using existing resources would be a priority, but in fact the local policy in my constituency says that there should be no new social housing because too much is available. Therefore, when social housing properties become vacant for any reason, they are liable to be sold. Consequently, the stock is not increasing; it is diminishing. When those 10,000 or 11,000 people go from the waiting list, they will not disappear; they will still be there, often living in conditions of severe housing need.
The bedroom tax has been proposed as though it could be an option to build new affordable housing, but, as I said in my earlier intervention, of 824 council households in my borough subject to the bedroom tax only 48 will be helped, according to the council’s figures, and other social landlords have another 1,840 such households. The people who are moving or who are likely to have moved are those who have been subject to the caps on local housing allowance—540 families so far—and those who are likely to be subject to the overall benefit cap when it is introduced, not now in April but later in the year, sometime between April and September. The date is yet to be revealed. Again, the local authority estimates that that will affect another 800 families.
Where will those people move to if they can no longer afford to live in west London? One answer is Peterborough. I saw a headline on the BBC News site two weeks ago: “Plan to move London homeless to Peterborough is ‘social cleansing’ says MP”. I was perhaps not surprised by that—I thought that perhaps the shadow Housing Minister had been using the media effectively, as he often does, or that my hon. Friend the Member for Westminster North (Ms Buck) or someone of that ilk had done so—but the article says:
“Plans to allow a London council to build homes in Peterborough for its tenants have been criticised by an MP as ‘social cleaning’. Peterborough MP”—
it names the hon. Member for Peterborough (Mr Jackson), who was here earlier but is not in his place now—
“said he could see ‘no advantages for the city’. ‘This is about social cleansing in Kensington and Chelsea,’ he said.”
Those of us who have said for many years that this process of social cleansing has been under way in Conservative boroughs, particularly in west London, dating from the Porter era and subsequently, and who were partially vindicated by the Mayor of London’s former pronouncements now have it written in stone from the hon. Member for Peterborough that that is happening.
In other words, people who are in housing need who could be helped in whatever difficulty are becoming the victims of political ideology and the strategy to alter the social and economic make-up of the area in which they or their families have often lived for generations.
Damian Collins (Folkestone and Hythe) (Con)
Many young professional people live in the hon. Gentleman’s constituency. In fact, the first flat that I lived in when I started my working life in London was in Shepherd’s Bush. They will rent in the private sector and not be in receipt of housing benefit. If their circumstances change, they get no protection from market conditions. They have largely no redress on the state if they are still in work. Is he saying that they should be included in his socialised model?
Mr Slaughter
The Conservative party is always levelling down, rather than levelling up. The introduction of a competitive, envious spirit to try to make people compete against someone one rung above or below them on the housing ladder is quite an invidious route to take. Of course, I support young families and young single people. They are working and paying taxes, but so are the majority of people in receipt of housing benefit. People on low incomes simply cannot afford astronomical private sector rents. I am glad that the hon. Gentleman intervened when he did because I was just going on to that point.
If we know who the victims are, we unfortunately know who the beneficiaries are. I was quite shocked to read a feature article in the Daily Mirror this morning. It was about a joint investigation by the Daily Mirror and GMB trade union into private landlords who had bought up council properties. That is the source of the statistic, which I gave earlier, that a third of right-to-buy properties that had been quite properly bought by their former tenants are now in the hands of private landlords. What sort of private landlords? One example given in the article is Charles Gow, the multi-millionaire son of a former Tory Housing Minister who, as the report reveals, owns 40 flats in one south London estate alone. The profiteering of private landlords, who buy up former social flats on council estates and individual council properties at a relatively low cost, is now rife. What does that mean? It means that they are able to charge market rents to tenants placed in those properties by local authorities. Those tenants then have to claim housing benefit—not because they are unemployed, but because they cannot, even on a more than average wage, afford the astronomical rent.
The average rent in my constituency is £335 for a one-bedroom flat, £467 for a two-bedroom flat, £770 for a three-bedroom house, and £934 for a four-bedroom house—per week. Social rents are between 15% and 25% of those levels. There is the obscenity. A social tenant in a secure and assured tenancy pays the rent in full by earning a decent average wage, or even, possibly, a low wage. Living next door is a similar family who have been in temporary accommodation for three or four years, who are paying a rent that is four or five times more to a private landlord, and which is being subsidised by housing benefit. The Government’s answer is, “Let’s evict the family by placing a cap on the benefit.” The Government’s answer should be, “Why are we not providing affordable housing for working families”, as every previous generation did irrespective of which party was in control? That is what lies at the heart of today’s debate.
I cannot fault what my right hon. and hon. Friends have said on policy and in their critique of the Government’s housing policy, but I am afraid it comes down to what I spend every Monday morning doing: trying to console increasingly large numbers of people who have been living for years, sometimes many years, in severely overcrowded and unfit housing conditions. At the end of that long wait, they now face not getting what they would have got even 10 years ago—a secure tenancy at an affordable rent for them to bring up their families, something to which everybody aspires—but the prospect of eviction first into a disgusting and dangerous hostel, and then being moved hundreds of miles away from their family network, schools and jobs to somewhere completely alien. I say that with no disrespect to Peterborough; I am sure it is a lovely place to live. However, if someone’s school, job, home, family and community are near Shepherd’s Bush, why should they be forced to move?
Those are the human issues, as well as the financial issues, that the Government need to address. I hope the Minister has read the report in the Daily Mirror and has seen who is currently benefiting from the Government’s policies. I hope that when he replies he will be able to tell us that there will be some movement.