(3 days, 14 hours ago)
Public Bill CommitteesClause 4 amends the NIS regulations to bring data centres that meet certain thresholds within scope of the regs as operators of essential services. As drafted, these data centres will be regulated by DSIT and Ofcom, but the amendments moved by the Minister propose that Ofcom will be the sole regulator for the subsector. I thank him for his explanation of why he has tabled these amendments.
Given the oral evidence from Ofcom and other sector regulators earlier this week regarding the challenges of recruiting skilled cyber-security staff to regulate effectively, what assessment has the Minister made of the additional regulatory burden on Ofcom of this decision and its capacity to secure adequate resources to meet it? Clause 5 extends the scope of the regulations to data centres operated by the Government, with the exception of services provided by or on behalf of intelligence services handling classified information.
Data centre infrastructure is increasingly vital to the UK’s society, economy and security. Data centres underpin nearly all aspects of our digital lives, from sending emails to booking GP appointments or ordering shopping online. Businesses of all sizes routinely process their workloads in the cloud, supported by data centres. For those reasons, data centres were designated as critical national infrastructure—CNI—in 2024.
The UK digital sector, which is heavily reliant on data centres, contributed more than 7% of the UK’s total gross value added in mid-2024, growing almost three times faster than the rest of the economy. Data centres are also critical to the UK’s ambition to become an AI superpower. Training artificial intelligence models relies on access to an abundance of processing capacity, or compute, located in secure data centres.
In October last year, Amazon Web Services experienced a glitch in one of its US data centres, which set off a chain reaction that took down online services across the globe.
Bradley Thomas
On the growth of this industry, and with 78% of UK enterprises relying on cloud-based services, 96% of companies expected to use public cloud services, 35% of UK businesses outsourcing IT support and, as of last year, 63% of organisations planning to continue or increase their IT outsourcing over the next 12 months, does my hon. Friend the shadow Minister agree that greater consideration—or at least elaboration—must be given to the vulnerability of the supply chain of large load data centres?
My hon. Friend will be aware that the issue regarding the bottleneck in the supply of cloud computing, in which I put data centres, compute more generally and access to large language models, in our country is very much on my mind, and we have been raising it with the Government. At the moment, I understand that around 70% of cloud services directly procured by the Government are coming from the three big US providers. I hear from UK SMEs—not just cloud providers, but SMEs of all types—all the time about the challenge that they face with Government procurement contracts to procure domestic UK-company services, whether that is central Government or otherwise.
We are getting ourselves into a very difficult situation from a resilience perspective: not only are we currently heavily reliant on US big tech, but we are not doing the work we need to do right now to support a burgeoning UK tech industry. In the UK, we have fantastic universities and businesses. We really are a centre of innovation, but the problem is that companies can really struggle to take the next step forwards.
Of course, Government procurement is not the be-all and end-all—although, depending what sort of sector the company is operating in, it might be—but we are certainly not focusing enough on supporting our SME sector. The sector is really good and strong, and it has the potential to be great, but we still have not had a hyperscaler. We have not seen the expansion in the UK digital and tech sector that, all things considered, given our background and where we stand in terms of our academic and business resources, we really should have seen.
That is something that I know will come up in debate as we go through the Bill. It is curious that we are receiving consistent feedback that some boards are not taking the issue of cyber-security seriously, in terms of allocating resource to it, especially in the light of the very high-profile cyber-attacks on businesses. Obviously, I am all over this issue, given my role as shadow Minister, but I think it is completely insane, certainly for larger companies, not to focus on the challenge of cyber-security. It is a challenge for businesses of all sizes, but I am mindful that implementation is particularly problematic for very small businesses.
Bradley Thomas
Does the shadow Minister agree that the Government should heed the message of Chris Dimitriadis, the chief global strategy officer at the Information Systems Audit and Control Association? He said:
“The era when cyber regulation could focus solely on critical national infrastructure is over. Today, every major employer is part of the digital economy—and therefore part of the threat landscape.”
Surely the Government should heed that message.
That is a stark message. Going back to my previous point, I struggle to think how many small businesses can really put in the necessary resource to take these sorts of steps on cyber-security.
There is a broader point here, which goes back to my opening remarks. A chunk of this involves hostile state actors that are attacking our companies, Parliament and the Government, whether directly or through their intermediaries. I find it quite ironic that it was announced earlier this week that our security services are going to work with China’s security services to deal with cyber-security threats. I thought, “Well, hang on a sec. What are they going to say, given that the Chinese Communist party is one of the main drivers of cyber-security threats in the UK?”
Legislating in this area and deciding how to approach it as a society is a particular challenge, given that it is not merely criminals or hacktivists doing this stuff to our companies and institutions; there is also full-fat hostile state inference from Russia, Iran or the Chinese Communist party.
Bradley Thomas
The risk and the threat from hostile states is plain to see. Does my hon. Friend have any sympathy for the ten-minute rule Bill that I introduced a few months ago on the Floor of the House? We need to strike a balance between the risk that bureaucratic administration poses to small businesses and the very real risk that cyber-attacks pose to the economy in general. The Government should have the private sector in scope and look at setting a threshold that does not become burdensome on smaller businesses. My proposal was for any company that turns over £25 million or more to be scope, in order to not bear down too heavily on small companies that would otherwise find the process, the risk and the burden of reporting too onerous.
I thank my hon. Friend for his interesting proposal, which attempts to crack the nut of one of the problems subsumed in the Bill.
The Bill cherry-picks certain sectors that need to be regulated entities, and there is a whole host of definitions. Then the Secretary of State can allocate some of the bits that they want to tag on through secondary legislation or the designation of a critical supplier. Then we have the MSP component. But there is something the Bill does not deal with. If I were to ask to the man in the street to identify the biggest cyber-security attack they have heard of in the past year or so, their answer would probably depend on where they live. If they live in the west midlands, they would talk about JLR, which has had a catastrophic effect on the local economy. In other parts of the country, the focus might be on Marks & Spencer or the Co-op. The Bill does not fix that, so what needs to be done? Should there be a threshold based on turnover, so that the process is not so onerous on certain companies, or something to support the insurance industry?
The Bill is silent on this issue, and the Government need to come up with some answers. I totally understand what they are trying to do with the Bill and how it is taking us forward—of course the NIS regulations need updating—but it does not fix the big stuff that has had a huge impact on people’s lives and required a massive bail-out of several billions of pounds-worth of taxpayers’ money. How many more JLRs can the Government afford to bail out until they have to do something to resolve the issue? I suspect we will come back to that, but I am glad that my hon. Friend introduced his ten-minute rule Bill.
We need to have a solution, but at the same time, we should not put onerous burdens on companies that are already struggling because of the Government’s anti-growth agenda and the punitive taxes being imposed on them to pay for profligate spending. This goes back to the discussion about prima facie harms. Taxation is the best example of a prima facie harm.
Bradley Thomas
Given the blurring of boundary lines between cyber-attacks and financial crime, I can see the compelling reasons why the amendment has been tabled, but does the shadow Minister agree and acknowledge that fraud detection often requires a different skillset from standard network security, so it is important to strike the right balance?
I broadly agree. This is one of those difficult areas where there can be overlap. I have sympathy with the argument that it is important to use any opportunity, and in particular this Bill, to raise fraud.
We focus on financial fraud, but this area is not limited to that, especially when we think about other malicious operators, and about ransomware and hacktivism, where the boundaries are particularly blurred. In a situation where a fraudulent operator, service, provider or organisation has material, whether on social media or subject to search engines, and the police or other competent authorities have flagged it to the provider as fraudulent—as illegal criminal activity—what duties does that provider have to remove it or take it down? Is that something that the Minister is aware of? Has he looked into it, and what is the Government’s plan to crack down on that activity?
(5 days, 14 hours ago)
Public Bill Committees
Bradley Thomas
Q
Stuart McKean: It needs more detail, even if that is about providing some boundaries so that we have something to say, “If it is going to do the following, what is a ‘significant economic impact’?”. I would like to think that none of our services would have a significant economic impact, but they may well affect a person, so I would bring it more on to the citizen and the impact on people. We heard this a number of times in relation to the JLR incident: the impact on the supply chain was huge, it was economically very costly and directly impacted people’s lives. Anything that can provide more clarity in the definition of an impact at that level can only help.
Jill Broom: I agree. More clarity is needed. The Bill should be tighter in terms of defining that sort of systemic risk.
Dr Sanjana Mehta: The Bill as it stands requires competent authorities and regulators to designate an organisation as a critical supplier rather than the regulated entity. Organisations work with complex multi-tier supply chains, and the concern is that competent authorities that are one step further removed from those complex supply chains, and have even less visibility, transparency and control over those supply chains, might find it difficult to determine true criticality and risk within the supply chains. We ask for greater collaboration and co-ordination between the regulated entities and the competent authorities in designating an organisation as a critical supplier.
Q
Jill Broom: There is probably a broader point around legal certainty, which is not given on the face of the Bill. Some of our members have highlighted language that could create some pretty significant legal jeopardy for regulated entities. The Bill needs to go a bit further. It could and should do more to provide some legal certainty, because the cost to companies could be quite significant. To the point on consistency across regulators and things like that, we need more frameworks around how that is going to work. Leaving all the detail to secondary legislation is what makes it slightly difficult to examine what is on the face of the Bill, so making sure that everything is consulted on in a mandatory and meaningful way will be important.