Housing and Planning Bill

Baroness Greengross Excerpts

Tuesday 26th January 2016 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Greengross (CB)]

My Lords, I declare my interest as listed in the register. It is not really surprising that, in trying to achieve the target of building 1 million new homes by 2020, there seems to be in the Bill a need in some areas to redefine, or at least readjust, the relationship between local and central government. Today, the big clamour is for devolving power, and rightly so. The argument goes that local issues affect local people. Surely it is right that these should be decided on a local basis. Indeed, the Chancellor’s much-publicised northern powerhouse is based on just such a premise.

Unfortunately, some—maybe many—local issues are not just local; they also have national effects. To take the obvious example of spending, vast numbers of local decisions can have national consequences as a result. At other times, the actions of one local authority can have serious consequences for an adjoining authority, or, indeed, for agreed national policy. Transport flows are one example, but housing provision can have the same sort of implications. All too often, however, local discretion is constrained by national government guidelines and parameters that, in effect, take away any chance of local authorities really having any discretion at all. Is that really as necessary as the Government claim? Maybe yes, but maybe no. These are the sort of things that the Bill gives us the opportunity to get right in terms of that balance.

Much of the Bill will have near unanimous support. Surely everyone would agree that steps to curb rogue landlords are a really good thing—except for some rogue landlords. Improving compulsory purchase procedures is surely also a good thing for everyone. But in a number of instances, such as speeding up neighbourhood planning or requiring councils to dispose of surplus assets, the Bill seeks either to redefine existing boundaries or to draw new ones. The ends are desirable, but we need to be absolutely certain that the balances drawn are right, not merely for local government, which is an essential objective if it can be reasonably achieved, but, let us be clear, to try to achieve our national objectives.

Some things seem to be right in principle, but they need to be carefully designated in practice. There is a strong case for exempting specialist properties from right to buy. Similarly, it is difficult to see why high-income families should not be required to pay higher rents, so long as those rents are lower than income rises. If a local authority is, in effect, subsidising a person’s housing costs, is it really so revolutionary to suggest that this should in some way—it must be in an acceptable way—be related to that person’s ability to pay? What need to be better defined are surely the parameters within which these things will operate. This must be done in a way that does not undermine our overall aims and targets. Disposal of council assets and phasing out of secure tenancies are other such areas. For example, the opportunity to look at the limits, if any, on tenancies should be carefully reviewed. In all such areas, security for those at risk must be ensured and achieving the balance there is very difficult.

A number of things are clearly giving rise to unrest among local authorities. Many things might be right in concept, but an absolute disaster in implementation. It is here where we need to get the balance right, which I hope we will, as a result of our deliberations. We must have much more detail than the Government have given us so far if we are to be able to do this. It is quite extraordinary to have to work with so little essential detail in many of these areas.

The provision of retirement housing is a matter which, sadly, seems to be largely missing from the Bill. It is extremely important. With the number of people over the age of 65 set to double in the next 30 years, a proper policy with regard to their housing is essential in any national housing strategy. The availability of more specialist accommodation for this section of the population and the resulting downsizing that this would make possible could, by itself, go a long way towards solving our housing shortage. Over and above that, retirement housing has so many other proven advantages for those who live in it—for example, in reducing social isolation, to say nothing of the huge savings in health and welfare costs for national and by local government.

Some changes to planning procedures will be necessary. In doing this, the Government must understand that planning is not necessarily a barrier to development. An effective planning system is critical in driving growth and prosperity.

As the Bill makes its progress, I hope that I shall be able to make more detailed suggestions on many of these matters, and possibly others as well. I am delighted that the Government are now aiming to build 1 million new homes by 2020, to drive up standards and to protect vulnerable tenants. I would also welcome anything that gives a better balance between the role of local and central authorities. Let us hope that, at the end, we will be able to congratulate ourselves that we have actually achieved both and not merely enabled one or other side to have simply power built their own estate.