Baroness Fox of Buckley
Main Page: Baroness Fox of Buckley (Non-affiliated - Life peer)Department Debates - View all Baroness Fox of Buckley's debates with the HM Treasury
(1 year, 9 months ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, I rise to speak to Amendment 241B in my name. After the US fintech company PayPal’s deplatforming of UK political campaigns—the Daily Sceptic, the Free Speech Union and UsforThem—last September, there was a debate about payment processing and censorship associated with this Bill. There was an amendment in the other place that received quite a lot of attention, and it led the Minister, Andrew Griffith, to note that he shared the concerns of the principal issue and potential risks of protecting customers’ freedom of expression when it came to payment providers. He assured us that it should not be possible for service providers, especially those with significant market position, to terminate customer relationships based on those customers’ views.
I was delighted when the Government confirmed that they will include this issue about the role of payment service providers in delivering services without censorship in their consultation about financial regulations enforced by the FCA. However, as I argued at Second Reading, I am not convinced that this is enough. Rather unusually for me, I would like to see more legislative guarantees.
The definition in this amendment is deliberately expansive. It goes beyond the likes of PayPal in order to cover banks and payment processers, whether they are card providers such as Mastercard and Visa or companies such as PayPal and Stripe. There are several reasons for this. The first relates back to important discussions on earlier amendments that I have sat in on and participated in. The ubiquity of electronic systems in an increasingly cashless society, and the emergence of the ubiquity of online payment, means that someone being deprived of those services or cut off from any source of funds would be akin to British Gas refusing services to a household on account of their beliefs or views or free speech that they had exhibited. We would not accept that.
Of course companies can make their own policies and contracts, and that would allow them to remove users without explanation. I understand that, but I am trying to explore whether the law can be used to prevent payment providers closing accounts on the basis of political beliefs. If we do not, global firms are likely to put their own interests—financial, reputational and political—before any moral duty to act fairly or without discrimination. I do not think we can have global tech firms, online payment services or banks deciding who they can censure or cut off from financial services because of the views they express.
This is a matter of some concern, not least because—this is the other focus that I want your Lordships to consider—at the moment, environmental, social and governance, or ESG, targets and equality, diversity and inclusion, or EDI, policies have been embraced zealously by many financial services companies. We have seen from recent controversies around failing banks that they were arguably far more concerned about ESG than whether they were banking well. We have a situation in which corporates have taken to moralising about how their customers should behave and think, which is a real and present danger.
Currently, the big tech companies in the US that deal in financial services have adopted political positions and are regulating the speech of their customers. That is considered a growing problem, as identified by a wide range of civil liberties organisations that I reeled off at Second Reading. Sadly, we know from broader cultural trends—for example, the way that cancel culture at universities started in the US—that what happens in the US should often be seen as a warning of what is likely to come.
Here in the UK, under current law, ESG has become a vehicle for companies to baldly state their right to block the accounts of those whose politics clash with their corporate values. Payment providers such as PayPal, but also high street banks, may terminate the accounts of groups on the basis of lawful speech—as long as they give adequate notice—according to the law. They can terminate accounts where views they deem unpalatable clash with those values if they include such provisions in their terms of service. Acceptable use policy often proclaims, “We will take action when we deem that individuals or organisations are involved in promoting hate or intolerance”, but “hate or intolerance” is increasingly seen as and understood to be a rather vague tagline which can be interpreted in a wide range of ways.
This was illustrated last year when Halifax was involved in a controversy after announcing its staff pronoun policy on social media—I do not know whether your Lordships remember this. We were shown a picture of Gemma wearing a “she/her/hers” staff badge; the idea was that this was a campaign that would stop any “misgendering” by the customers of Halifax. There was something of a customer backlash online, which led to Andy, the person who seemed to be in charge of Halifax’s online communications at the time, berating critics with the rather shrill
“If you disagree with our values, you’re welcome to close your account.”
As it happens, lots of people did close their accounts, because they were so outraged at being talked to in that fashion. Telling customers where to go is an unusual policy for growth for any financial service provider.
However, I think this was more than an overzealous EDI employee, because on its website Halifax says that any customers it deems to be transphobic could have their accounts closed down. Indeed, underneath the page entitled “What we stand for” it says:
“We stand against discrimination and inappropriate behaviour in all forms, whether racist, sexist, homophobic, transphobic or ableist”—
and, wait for it—
“regardless of whether this happens in our branches, offices, over the phone or online on our social media channels.”
The actions that it threatens customers with include account closure or contacting the police. Note that HSBC shared the Halifax post and tweeted it out to its 101,000 followers, saying:
“We stand with and support any bank or organisation that joins us in taking this positive step forward for equality and inclusion.”
Customers, it seems, are the target of political campaigning by financial organisations, rather than being seen as those who need to be given the very best financial services. We should also note that in 2022, when that tweet went out, Halifax cut 27 branches across the country. Never mind encountering Halifax staff wearing pronoun badges; the problem is that you would be lucky to encounter a Halifax staff member at all, badgeless or not, and there is certainly very little in the way of physical branches.
In a recent report Matthew Goodwin, politics professor at Kent University, noted that a growing number of companies and corporations are now “adrift” from the wider public by
“lecturing them about political issues and being seen to stifle their free speech and expression.”
Professor Goodwin also warns against potential discrimination against consumers and customers in this context, and account holders
“deemed to hold ‘controversial’ beliefs.”
However, as one Halifax customer noted:
“I don’t want to be having conversations about gender when I go into my bank. Frankly, I’d rather they be focused on lowering interest rates.”
Of course, we need to respect the right of private companies to choose whom they do business with, as I said. However, this rather modest amendment seeks to ensure that they are not free to discriminate because of political, philosophical or religious beliefs within the law any more than banks or online service providers would be allowed to discriminate against people on the basis of the colour of their skin. We therefore need robust measures in place to protect organisations and individuals from being punished by being cut off by those financial service providers whose EDI or ESG commitments have made them rather cavalier about going far beyond their financial remit. They should be prevented from acting against people for otherwise legal speech. Remember, we have laws in this country such as the equality law, which should not be undermined by the terms and conditions and values designed in Silicon Valley—which in many instances is what we are talking about and is exactly what happened when PayPal punished the Free Speech Union by removing any financial services from it.
I hope that this amendment urges the Government not to kick this regulatory duty into the long grass or suggest that some other piece of legislation would be appropriate. I put it forward in the spirit in which the Minister in the other place spoke about the importance of this issue, rather than it being trivial. I hope the Minister will consider accepting the terms of this amendment in any amended Bill that is brought back on Report.
My noble friend makes an excellent point. I will certainly feed that back to the department in terms of the review.
To conclude, the Government already have the means to act on this issue and have made a clear commitment to do so if necessary. We are clear that we first need public consultation and an evidence base before determining the right course of action on this matter. I therefore request that the noble Baroness withdraws her amendment.
I thank the noble Lord, Lord Jackson, and the Minister for that response. I will not keep noble Lords long. What the noble Lord, Lord Jackson, said about self-censorship was important. I mention that because I am worried that the Government are underestimating the climate that financial services providers are embroiled in relating to ESG and EDI. This is a warning shot that we recognised around PayPal, but I did not confine it to PayPal. It is just one example. There are sadly lots of recent examples, with organisations such as GoFundMe refusing to accept certain people because of their views and so on. I know that is not strictly within the remit of this Bill, but I know that the Government understand that there are tensions here. I do not want them to be too narrow and technocratic in the way they approach it by saying “Oh, there are only three examples, so what is there to worry about?” We have seen this internationally. I note that the Chinese social credit system lurks around this debate as something we want to be careful of. Big tech financial companies do not have regard for free speech as their terms and conditions will often cut against what is required in equality legislation here. That was the point I was making.
I hope that this short debate will be taken note of in that consultation. I also hope the Government do not feel that they can just deal with it simply through the consultation but will keep a close eye on what could be a dangerous and nasty situation of financially powerful organisations having an impact on individuals, frightening them into thinking that if they say the wrong thing they will not get banking. That is not the sort of society that we would like to end up with. I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.