(6 years ago)
Commons ChamberBlimey—what a choice. I give way to the hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Angus Brendan MacNeil).
I hope that the hon. Gentleman will reflect for just a tiny moment on the fact that Ireland, which became independent of the UK 96 years ago, will this year be growing five times faster than the UK. For further understanding of that, it will take the UK five years to do what Ireland does in one year.
The hon. Gentleman will know, I am sure, what is the fastest growing major European economy at the moment. He also knows the difficulties that Ireland had some years ago as a result of its membership of the euro—something that would be inflicted on Scotland by the nationalists if they had their way.
I think the Prime Minister has enormous good will on both sides of the House. I think that Members on both sides of the House know that she has worked phenomenally hard to try to secure the best agreement. I also think she is correct when she makes the point that the country feels ready to move on. There is palpable tiredness with this subject. People the length and breadth of the United Kingdom want to know that we are going to move forward and put into effect the referendum that took place two and half years ago.
I listened earlier to the Leader of the Opposition as he talked about fear and concern in business and said that uncertainty was affecting investment in our country. It is important that Members on both sides of the House understand that if there is fear and uncertainty in boardrooms in this country, it is because of the concern about what would happen if the right hon. Gentleman were ever to form a Government in this country, and if there is capital flight going on at the moment from our country, it is because of that concern, not because of concern about Brexit. Certainly, we on this side of the House are in no doubt that it is better to have a Conservative Government led by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister than the alternative.
(12 years, 1 month ago)
Commons ChamberI do not always agree with the hon. Gentleman, but I am pleased to agree with him about that. This tax precisely targets investment and international trade, which are exactly the things that the United Kingdom needs to focus on if we are to grow our way out of the problems we face.
The hon. Gentleman said that Northern Ireland is competing with the Republic of Ireland, but surely we are all competing with the Republic of Ireland and with each other. We had better make sure we have that mindset; otherwise we will be left very much in the slow lane.
That is absolutely right. Unlike the hon. Gentleman, I hope we will not be competing internationally with Scotland in the near future, but if we are, I hope we have lower aviation duty. The regional effects—on Scotland and Northern Ireland, but also on airports in the north of England—are clear. There is a plain and unanswerable case.
Like my hon. Friend the Member for Witham (Priti Patel) and the right hon. Member for Wythenshawe and Sale East (Paul Goggins), I want to touch briefly on the impact on families. Air travel should not again become a luxury that only the rich can afford. It is not a luxury in the modern world. Air travel, whether for business or leisure, is an essential part of modern life. It has opened up the world, opened people’s minds and enhanced the quality of life for us all.
I have said that I am confident that my hon. Friend, being such a good Minister, will respond warmly to the case we are all making. The final reason for that is that the proposers of the motion have been so modest in their aspirations. The motion highlights some of the damage that we think is being done by this tax, but we do not call for it to be cut or axed altogether. We are asking only for the Treasury to look carefully at its effect before next spring’s Budget. All we want is a proper detailed review and economic assessment of whether this tax does more economic harm than good. I think that all who have spoken so far believe it does.
(14 years, 2 months ago)
Commons ChamberAs my hon. Friend says, the Minister is a good man. He said as recently as 6 September, in the winding-up speeches on Second Reading:
“It is perfectly normal in most countries that in order for someone to be able to vote for the national Parliament they have to be a citizen of the country concerned. That is a perfectly normal process and we are not changing it in this Bill. It is the existing system and I feel sure that Mrs Clegg will cope with it perfectly well.”—[Official Report, 6 September 2010; Vol. 515, c. 128.]
I am sure that Mrs Clegg will cope with it perfectly well, whatever we do this evening. However, crucially, although my hon. Friend the Minister appears to share my view that it should be perfectly normal for the right to vote in general elections to be reserved for citizens, as it is in most countries around the world—in almost every country around the world—it is not yet perfectly normal in this country. The purpose of these amendments is to begin to lay the ground for that important change in the franchise.
I am reading the hon. Gentleman’s amendments with interest. I note that Republic of Ireland citizens would, as I understand it, lose the right to vote in the referendum if his amendments were to go through. However, those who live in Northern Ireland but have Republic of Ireland citizenship, so long as they were ordinarily resident in Northern Ireland, would be allowed to vote. My question is about those from Northern Ireland who might have Republic of Ireland citizenship—not UK subjects—but who subsequently move to Scotland. Would they vote or would they not, and how would we enable that to happen or not to happen?
I think I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for that intervention. I think that for the purposes of this Bill it would be perfectly simple. We are talking about a referendum vote that will take place on a single occasion, so any change we make in the franchise for the referendum would clearly depend on their status at that time.
A particular instance might be the case of an individual who has never lived in the Irish Republic but who has chosen Irish citizenship and has then moved to Scotland.
I hope that the hon. Gentleman will recognise that I tabled amendment 60 in a spirit of compromise with the intention of avoiding re-opening difficult debates that had taken place at the time of the Good Friday agreement. It is of course an inconsistency set against amendment 59, but that is its sole purpose.