(9 years, 9 months ago)
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I thank the hon. Member for Hammersmith (Mr Slaughter) for highlighting such an important area of work. Infrastructure investment is a critical building block of the Government’s long-term economic plan. I share his determination to see maximum benefits for local people as a result of our investments.
I have observed the hon. Gentleman in the debates we have had and he has never been a “glass half full” man. I have to say that I do not share his dark, bleak, depressing and negative interpretation of what is being proposed and driven through. After that bleakness, the right hon. Member for Holborn and St Pancras (Frank Dobson) lifted us with his contribution. I will add a little light, understanding and clarity on what is being proposed and the outcome being sought. Importantly, I will make sure that the democratic process behind it is understood as well as the role of the residents and their confidence in a journey that, it is proposed, will last some decades; they have a full role to play in the process.
Let us take one nationally significant infrastructure project, Crossrail, as an example. We can clearly see why there is so much focus on ensuring successful economic outcomes for both the local area and the wider economy. Although located in London and the south-east, Crossrail is generating jobs and business opportunities around the country. Europe’s biggest construction project, it is providing a boost to a whole range of UK industries. Over the course of the project, we expect at least 75,000 opportunities for businesses, and 97% of the £6.5 billion in contracts let by Crossrail to date has gone to contractors based in the UK; 62% of that has gone to firms outside London and 58% to small and medium-sized businesses.
This Government have made improvements to the planning regime for significant infrastructure projects. The bespoke regime ensures faster decisions on national infrastructure projects, and gives much needed certainty to developers and investors. The system is working well, with a number of notable decisions taken to date, including on the Hinkley Point C nuclear power station in March 2013 and on the Thames tideway tunnel in September 2014, which was mentioned earlier. Hinkley in particular highlights how well the system is working: the planning consent was granted just 17 months after application, compared with the over six years it took to grant consent for the Sizewell B facility under the old system.
Making decisions quickly is not the only priority, however. Local people must have the chance to influence decisions on national infrastructure where it affects their area. The nationally significant infrastructure projects regime ensures that that happens, through pre-application public events, local authority statements on public consultation and formal representations during the inspection process. To return to the example of Hinkley, when seeking consent for the project, the developer held 37 public exhibitions and 67 stakeholder meetings, engaging with almost 6,500 consultees. The story does not end there: as the hon. Member for Hammersmith has highlighted, it is not only the national infrastructure itself that is important, but what is done around it to support it, link it to local people and ensure the maximum positive benefits for businesses and local communities.
The economic potential of the Old Oak and Park Royal development area has been catalysed by Government investments in High Speed 2 and Crossrail, and is huge. Current estimates from the Greater London authority are that the area has the potential for 24,000 homes and 55,000 jobs. Over a 30-year period, the development would ensure economic regeneration worth some £15.5 billion to the UK economy. I am sure that everyone recognises that that level of investment and outcome for our country is extremely important, and we need to seize the opportunity with both hands.
How do we do that? Local leadership is key. The Greater London authority, working with local partners, including the three London boroughs in the area, has proposed a mayoral development corporation for the Old Oak and Park Royal area to ensure that growth happens in the best way for the local community. I welcome that move. To support delivery on the scale required, the MDC will provide leadership for a single, robust plan with clear direction. The MDC will bring together transport agencies, local authorities, developers, landowners, local businesses and, crucially, local communities around a common goal of ensuring that the redevelopment is a success. Rather than individual developers coming forward with competing proposals for the area, the MDC will draw together the strategy and engage developers in its delivery. That leadership is crucial for success.
My Department is working well with the Greater London authority to ensure that the MDC is established in good time. As a result, I am pleased to say that the statutory instrument required to establish the MDC has now been laid before Parliament, and the MDC will be established on 1 April this year.
I know that the hon. Member for Hammersmith has raised concerns regarding the MDC. He is right to make people aware of his concerns through this debate, and to ensure that his constituents have had the opportunity to challenge. Many concerns, such as those about membership of the MDC board and its planning committee, are matters for local agreement. But we should note that the boroughs will be represented on both the board and planning committee, and I am particularly pleased that, as a result of public consultation, the board will also include local business and community representatives. It is also good to see that the MDC is planning wider community engagement, including proposals for a community charter to be prepared and agreed in collaboration with local groups, and that the Greater London authority is ambitious about maximising affordable housing provision across the site.
I have represented my own views, but I quoted extensively from all three boroughs for the area, the residents associations, groups such as the Grand Union Alliance and GLA members because they all share my concerns. All the groups that the Minister has mentioned—democratically elected bodies, residents’ groups and umbrella groups—have the same concerns. They are all in one basket and the Mayor is in the other.
There is a difference between our two approaches. I am not saying that the hon. Gentleman should not challenge things—if I were the MP for the area, I would as well. But I have more confidence, because I have been in local government—I know he has been as well—and I have never met a group of councillors that simply sat back and let themselves be manipulated by another party.
The hon. Gentleman should have some confidence. There are three authorities involved, all of which happen to be Labour-led, and I am sure that they will not sit back but will make sure that there is a role played by local authorities in the delivery. The terms and conditions and the outcomes sought by the MDC can come about only through negotiation between the local authorities and the GLA. Those negotiations have not concluded yet.
Issues such as housing and transport provision will be determined in the local plan, which will be delivered in 18 months’ time, after the mayoral elections. My own experience with a local plan in my constituency has shown me that that is the time for residents to participate in the process and for locally elected representatives to play a full role in making sure that they can shape the outcomes.
It is not the case, as has been suggested, that the Mayor will just roll forward with his own ambitions, along with greedy developers. If the plan is not appropriate, the inspector will reject it. If there is not sufficient affordable housing, there is an opportunity for the inspector to reject the plan on those grounds. If a future Mayor decides that they want to put more housing into the offer, they will have the opportunity to review the plan and put that in. To suggest that there is no affordable housing is wrong.
The Government’s track record on delivering affordable housing far exceeds that of the previous Labour Administration. I remind Members that more council houses have been delivered in the nearly five years of this Administration than were delivered in the 13 years of the Labour Administration. Tom Copley said that he is embarrassed that Margaret Thatcher delivered more council houses and flats in one year than the Labour Administration delivered in 13 years. I hear the right hon. and hon. Members’ lectures and rhetoric about there being no affordable housing. They say that it is appalling and that we have let people down, but I know, as a former Housing Minister, that there were 425,000 fewer affordable homes in 2010 than there were in 1997. It is the Labour party that has failed people who want secure homes.
I am not going to rise to the Minister’s bait, because he is getting somewhat off the subject. For eight years we had a Tory council, for six we have had a Tory Mayor and we have a Tory Government, and our direct local experience is that 500 council houses have been sold off, council houses have been demolished and whole estates have been scheduled for demolition, all with the active collusion of the Mayor. That is what has led to the suspicion of and the complete lack of confidence in this proposal. I am not going to get into a joust about the national figures, because I dispute what the Minister says. He is asking us to trust City hall to deliver, but our local experience tells us that we should do the opposite.
All that demonstrates is the fact that the hon. Gentleman does not understand the process. I am concerned that residents may be listening to the hon. Gentleman when he says that in the future affordable housing will not be delivered. The local plan and localist policies are giving members of the public and elected representatives the opportunity to determine where affordable housing is built. It is not in the hands of the Mayor. The hon. Gentleman said that the previous Conservative council did not deliver. He has now got three Labour councils, and he seems to have no confidence in their delivering.
I have heard the right hon. Gentleman pose that question several times before, but that is not how the project should be interpreted. Actually, it will benefit eight out of Britain’s 10 largest cities, linking them together and delivering a significant economic contribution to each of them. Journey times to London, and from London to other places, will be reduced, and the economic opportunities will be absolutely massive. However, as in London, the key to success across the country will be local leadership. Local enterprise partnerships will bring together elected individuals and businesses to work with the Government, agencies and other regeneration organisations.
It is important that we harness this opportunity. I recognise the challenge that elected representatives in London face, but there is a broader issue to be addressed. We are also delivering a comprehensive northern transport strategy that will complement High Speed 2 and set out the priority corridors and areas for investment and infrastructure across the north of England, which will drive economic growth and deliver the vision of the northern powerhouse. It is important to recognise that the infrastructure investment and changes that are going on at this end of High Speed 2 are connected to other parts of the country.
Apart from his frolic on council housing, I appreciate the tone of the Minister’s response. The purpose of the debate is to help not only to achieve those national objectives, but to take into account local considerations. Will the Minister deal with two points, which are not party political? Will he look again, as the Save Our Scrubs organisation and many others have asked, at Wormwood Scrubs being taken out of the area covered? There is no logic to it being included. Will he also encourage the railway companies and Transport Ministers to meet with the West London Line Group to look at its innovative and detailed proposal for the better integration of rail in that area? Surely the Government and Mayor keeping an open mind on both those issues cannot do any harm.
In his speech, the hon. Gentleman asked how all these difficult things would be led and delivered. The fact that there are three council representatives, three local community representatives, and the rest of it is made up of independent individuals who have no financial determination or interest associated with the planning committee is important. As far as the board is concerned, the fact that there are players there who will be in charge of that particular part of that process and be at the helm, driving the outcome, is also extremely important. The hon. Gentleman makes an important point, though. The negotiations between local authorities and the GLA are continuing, and I am certainly prepared to write a note on the observation that he has raised, which is that different groups would like to participate and understand how the process works.
(9 years, 9 months ago)
Commons ChamberMy hon. Friend speaks very wisely and he knows from his own experience that local authorities appreciate these tools we have given them to grow their finance base, and there is an incentive for them to carry this out by improving those key services and increasing the resources to those services.
For those who do not freeze the council tax, the referendums principles report laid before the House on 3 February confirms that any increase of 2% or more will require a binding referendum by the local electorate. Councils that want to increase their bills should have the courage of their convictions and seek a mandate from their electorate. It is already the case that a council tax referendum can be held at a reduced cost in 2015-16 when combined with the general election. We announced on 3 February that any savings to the Consolidated Fund as a result of a combination of a referendum with the general election will be redirected to councils, so the cost of the referendum to a local authority is low. This weakens the argument that some might make that holding a local referendum will result in excessive cost.
I have no doubt the Minister will want to congratulate Hammersmith and Fulham council, which is one of eight to cut its council tax this year, but why is he rewarding it by cutting its discretionary housing payment not by 24%, which is the national average, or 35%, which is the figure for London, but by 52%? This is an area with the highest property prices and where there is family break-up with people being forced out of the area. DHP is absolutely vital. Will he look again at that cut?
This Government continue to ensure there is a substantial welfare net to look after the most vulnerable individuals, and we have put additional funding into the budget. I applaud the council for reducing its council tax, however, and I would just note that it is following the trajectory given by the previous Conservative administration. That may be only a small glimmer of light, but somebody appears to have learned from the excellent previous Conservative administration.
The local government finance report 2015-16 sets out a fair settlement, which ensures councils continue to have significant spending power. Even with the savings that have been made to date, local authorities in England were expected to spend over £115 billion in the current financial year. When we factor in councils’ new responsibilities for public health, the amount local government are expected to spend is higher than it was under the last Administration.
Does the Minister have any interest in homes that are affordable on low and average incomes? In London, the targets the Mayor sets are £80,000 in income for larger properties and £66,000 for one and two-bedroom flats. Does the Minister think those are reasonable figures for affordable homes?
I am not going to take any lectures about affordable or social housing. The last Government failed to deliver sufficient social housing at a time of economic boom. They did not build the housing required. They did not address the issue of social need. In the most difficult times, however, this Government have stepped up and are delivering those houses. We need to deliver more, but we are setting about delivering that.
(13 years, 8 months ago)
Commons ChamberHaving watched these debates and diplomacy since the Falklands war, and having observed the battles on CNN and sanitised movie footage of jets taking off, troops returning fire and Union Jacks attached to aerials and advancing tanks, I find it a daunting thought to be in the House debating and contemplating our responsibility for the deployment of people whose principal purpose is to kill other people on our behalf. During my basic training in the Army, I realised that a sergeant shouting at me to stab and scream and stab again a bale of hay with a fixed bayonet was teaching me how to rip somebody apart. A few years later, I saw the remains of an IRA terrorist unit that had been ambushed by a Special Air Service unit. The remains had been shredded by the hundred of bullets that had gone through their bodies.
Following the first Gulf war, a friend of mine showed me some pictures that he had taken of the convoy attempting to escape back up to Iraq. One of the pictures was of the charred, black head and a desperate hand—black and maimed—of someone trying to leave their vehicle. There is nothing glorious or romantic about war. To those in the media who have portrayed what is happening now—or what has happened in previous wars—as some form of entertainment, I say that that is just not right. I am afraid that human beings need to commit brutal, savage attacks on each other to win wars.
I have spoken in the House before about our lack of political capital following the illegal war in Iraq and what I believe is a folly in Afghanistan. There may be moral reasons to fight again, but I will be honest: we are struggling to find the moral high ground from which to project that morality. As people have said, Gaddafi is the man who brought down the Pan Am plane over Lockerbie, the man who shipped the weapons that killed some of my colleagues and the man who killed WPC Fletcher. However, I feel uncomfortable about going to war. It is not a simple choice; it is a really difficult choice to contemplate.
This morning when I was coming to work, I listened to a phone-in from BBC television about whether we should kill Gaddafi. It was almost gladiatorial, as though people were phoning in so that we could see whether the populace was giving a thumbs-up or a thumbs-down. I have to say that I was fairly disgusted that the killing of another human being, however disgusting he is, could become a form of entertainment.
While we pontificate about morality and our obligations, brave men and women are putting their lives at risk at our request. This is not a debate about student fees, the Scotland Bill or the double summer time Bill; this is about the business of war. We do not take this decision lightly. While we wage war on our enemy, Muslim brothers and Arab leaders—with a few exceptions—remain silent. It is more convenient to wait for the infidel to kill their Muslim brothers and then gesture disapproval than it is to stand up to a tyrant. To the new leaders of the emerging democracies out there in the middle east, I say this: “The next time a murderer comes to the end of his reign, you gather in your House, like we are today, and think about how you’re going to take your share of the responsibility and what you’re going to contribute.”
I am not going to give way.
I said that this was a decision that I do not take lightly, and I do not think this nation takes it lightly either, but I will support the Government. The Prime Minister was right to secure a UN mandate. His leadership stands in stark contrast to the leadership that has gone before in this nation. Let us hope that the positive responses from the United Nations are a sign of something to come because, fundamentally, it is the weakness of United Nations members that has created so many international disasters in the past.