(11 years ago)
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Each debate is chaired by an MP from the Panel of Chairs, rather than the Speaker or Deputy Speaker. A Government Minister will give the final speech, and no votes may be called on the debate topic.
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Thank you, Mr Dobbin, for calling me to speak. It is a pleasure to be here in Westminster Hall under your chairmanship.
I, too, thank my right hon. Friend the Member for Wythenshawe and Sale East (Paul Goggins) for securing this debate and for his speech. I welcome the Minister, the hon. Member for Battersea (Jane Ellison), to her post. This is the second Westminster Hall debate in two weeks that I have taken part in and she has responded to, so she has a very full in-tray. Nevertheless, I urge her to study her brief on this issue and, as my hon. Friend the Member for Kingston upon Hull North (Diana Johnson) said, to meet the victims of the contaminated blood scandal and their MPs.
Most importantly, the Minister should come up with a proposal for resolving the remaining injustices on this issue. I am sure that she will; she has a reputation for being thoughtful and open-minded on such subjects, but she will have heard from right hon. and hon. Members today that this problem becomes more pressing with every year that passes.
I am afraid that, as my hon. Friend the Member for Kingston upon Hull North said, the cause was somewhat set back by the meeting that the previous Minister, the hon. Member for Broxtowe (Anna Soubry), had with the all-party group on haemophilia and contaminated blood earlier this year. It is no exaggeration to say that it is the worst meeting I can remember in eight years of going to such meetings. The previous Minister was completely unprepared in her brief; she shared the all-party group’s concerns but had no solutions whatever to address them. That meeting was attended by 20 MPs and peers, with 20 others giving their apologies. The number of Members who take part in the frequent debates on this issue shows the level of concern among all parties about it.
This is a great injustice, which successive Governments have failed to address; in so far as they have attempted to address it, they have done so in a miserly and bureaucratic way. An inquiry has been refused, and responsibility has been refused, by Government, and those things are to be deplored.
In the very few minutes that I have to speak, I wish to introduce one additional topic. My right hon. Friend the Member for Wythenshawe and Sale East has rightly framed this debate in terms of contaminated blood and hepatitis C; understandably, the good briefing from the Haemophilia Society has done the same. However, the briefing also refers to co-infection with HIV.
When the Minister looks at these issues, I urge her not to forget those who have been infected, or co-infected, with HIV as a consequence of contaminated blood products. Of the 1,252 people who have been infected with HIV in this way, 932 have died so far. Among the 322 of those people who are still living, one of them is my constituent, Andrew March, who was contaminated at the age of nine. He is now 39, so his entire life has effectively been ruined. He has been a staunch campaigner. He was the applicant in the judicial review proceedings on this matter, and yet after 30 years he is still waiting for any proper redress.
I feel strongly that this issue is the responsibility of Government, and the hon. Member for North Devon (Sir Nick Harvey) was also clear on that. To some extent, the admission of liability is not the central question. The previous Minister wrongly said that the reason why proper payments were made in the Republic of Ireland was that there was an admission of liability. In fact, payments were being made there before the admission was made, as the hon. Member for Foyle (Mark Durkan) pointed out very clearly, having a clear knowledge of what happened; the hon. Gentleman is not here today, but he has done a lot of work on this issue.
We do not need to get tied up in those matters of liability, but personally I would like an admission of responsibility from the Government, because, for some of the reasons that have already been given, much more could have been done. In the 1970s and 1980s, there was a delay because of a failure to see what medical knowledge was showing about contamination. Even when that contamination was known, there was a failure to treat products so that they were no longer harmful.
My final point is about funding. Reference has already been made to the Skipton Fund in relation to hepatitis C, but there are similar problems with the Macfarlane Trust. I have been told that it is effectively falling apart; that the review of its probity, of its success, has been ignored; that there is very poor communication between it and sufferers; and that it is underfunded.
The result of all that is that people die. People die because they are not getting sufficient treatment or sufficient medication that they need to deal with their conditions. HIV is a treatable condition, but for those who have serious health problems it can still be fatal and that issue is not being addressed. In the short term, I ask the Minister to look at both the lump sum and ongoing support payments, but in the longer term what we need is a full and final settlement.
I suspect that many Ministers, particularly junior Ministers, wonder how much difference they have made on a lot of issues when they finally leave their posts. However, I also suspect that this is one discrete area, with a defined number of victims, where the Minister could make a difference if she chooses to put her mind to it, in a way that some of her predecessors have not.
A Welsh member of the all-party group on haemophilia and contaminated blood recently told me that every meeting and correspondence that it has with the Government ends with the words, “The Minister will look into this.” Does my hon. Friend agree that a promise really to get to grips with this issue now would be incredibly important, not least for Colin—aged seven, from Newport—who died in my constituency from having contaminated blood? We must also remember the very young victims whom we are campaigning for.
I am grateful to my hon. Friend. I know that those views are shared by many Members on both sides of the House.
We are probably not looking for answers today, although we will listen to what the Minister has to say. She has heard clearly that we can do more than just look into the issue: we can achieve results for the remaining victims of these terrible diseases and their families.
(11 years, 8 months ago)
Commons ChamberI want to begin by talking about the impact of the bedroom tax on Wales and my local area. I say “bedroom tax”, but I note that the Minister has renamed it during the course of this debate as the “spare room subsidy”. That sounds a lot better, and I am sure that that will be of great comfort to those facing it in April.
The hon. Member for Banff and Buchan (Dr Whiteford) described in her excellent contribution how this provision is just part of an accumulative effect that is hurting the vulnerable. I want to mention the case of a couple I met during the recess when I was knocking on doors in my constituency. They have been hit not only by the bedroom tax, but by other things as well. They had worked all their lives. The husband used to be a driver, but he was hit by rheumatoid arthritis and had his driving licence revoked. He has, therefore, been unable to work, not least because, as he showed me as I sat in his kitchen, he cannot hold a mug for any length of time. He was moved off incapacity benefit on to employment and support allowance, and was then incorrectly put in the work-related activity group on reduced benefit.
The husband’s benefit and that of his wife were reduced as he waited for his appeal, which took eight months to come through. He won it, then two days later he received another letter from Atos telling him to go back for a work capability assessment. In the meantime, because the couple’s income had dropped, they were forced to claim housing benefit and received a letter telling them that they would be liable to pay the bedroom tax in April. Luckily, the husband had won his appeal after an eight-month wait, so he thought that that might help but, on top of everything, his wife, who had worked in a manual job, was diagnosed with myelopathy. She had hoped to retire this year, but will now have to work another three years because of the Government’s changes to women’s pensions. To cap it all, this couple’s experiences with the work capability assessment mean that they are now absolutely terrified of the personal independence payment, particularly the mobility component, which may lead to them losing their mobility vehicle.
I hope that the Minister does not in any way underestimate the palpable fear and anxiety among the disabled community. This couple worked all their lives until illness hit them later in life and they now find themselves hit on all fronts when they need a safety net. The Government’s replies are doing nothing to allay their fears.
Advice services, which are themselves being hit hard and cut, are also experiencing anxiety, as are housing associations and local authorities, which in my experience locally are working extremely hard to try to mitigate the profound effects of the bedroom tax.
Nationally, as we have heard, 31% of housing benefit claimants of working age in the social rented sector will be affected. As the shadow Welsh Secretary, my hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd (Owen Smith), has said, in Wales that figure is 46%, with the Department for Work and Pensions estimating that 40,000 tenants will be affected. Newport city council in my area has calculated that 2,455 households will be affected. Newport City Homes housing association says that 1,794 of its tenants will be affected and Monmouthshire Housing Association, which covers parts of my constituency, notes that it has 421 such tenants. What choices do those people face? They can move to a smaller social housing property, pay up or move into private rented accommodation.
Turning to smaller social housing—to give an idea of the real impact in my area—there are 4,220 people on the common housing register in Newport and 2,500 in Monmouthshire. There is not enough social housing available. For example, of those affected in Newport, 916 will be looking for one-bedroom houses or flats, and 823 for two-bedroom properties.
In total, Newport City Homes has only 1,264 one-bedroom properties and 2,600 two-bedroom properties. Today on the common housing register website—Newport housing options—only 32 properties are advertised. There are very few smaller properties. The point has been made that whole estates in Wales have very few one or two-bedroom properties. In the past we needed larger properties, so that is what councils built. The scarcity of larger properties may be a problem in big cities in England, but in Wales there is a scarcity of smaller properties. There is simply nowhere to move to. As Community Housing Cymru has said,
“the option of tenants downsizing would prove difficult in almost all cases”.
The other option is to pay more. As the excellent report by the Bron Afon housing association in Torfaen highlights—I hope that the Minister has looked at it—many of those affected consider themselves to be just surviving already. Many are like the man I met on an estate last week, who said that he left the heating off until tea time because the price of food was going up every week and he did not want to go into debt. A family in the Bron Afon study, which surveyed all its tenants, concluded that the only solution was to eat two fewer meals a week.
As the study showed, people want to stay in their own homes, not least because they are the homes in which they brought up their children, where they may have lost a partner and where they have memories and have lived for years. They may have had them adapted and they may also have family ties and help with child care. These are their homes. In Community Housing Cyrmu’s survey of people affected, 13% said that they would consider downsizing, 8% that they might consider a lodger and 79% that neither of those options was suitable and that they would apply for the discretionary housing payments, which is where the problems arise.
My hon. Friend is making the case well that this is a tax on the poorest. It is not about freeing up housing or downsizing. In my local authority, 824 tenants are affected but just 48 may be rehoused. Despite that, the Government describe this decision as morally right. But it is about punishing the poor.
I agree with my hon. Friend’s excellent and powerful point.
According to the Trussell Trust, the huge increase in the use of food banks is due in no small part to the benefit changes. Some 42% of those who turn up for their three-day supply of food are not able to balance their budgets because of benefit delays, mistakes, sanctions or reviews. Front-line professionals have to give a reason for a referral to a food bank and problems with welfare are increasingly being cited.
With food inflation above 4% and increases in energy and petrol costs, it will be impossible for many people on low incomes to absorb the additional housing costs. Rent arrears will increase and housing associations might struggle to deal with that. The Welsh Tenants Federation estimates that 10% of tenants are already in debt to their social landlord and that a rent increase on top of those rent arrears could result in 4,000 people presenting themselves as homeless. Newport city council in my area estimates that there will be a 5% increase in homelessness next year.
The Government’s answer to those who cannot move is that the discretionary housing payment will deal with all the issues. Newport is getting £343,000 of discretionary housing payment and Monmouthshire £121,000.