NATO Accession: Sweden and Finland

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

Wednesday 6th July 2022 Commons Chamber

[Vicky Ford]

I refer again to what I said about being on track to spend 2.5% of GDP by the end of the decade. The hon. Member will have to discuss the details with the Defence Secretary and his team. It is important to remember, however, that we also need to invest for the long term in vital capabilities such as future combat air and AUKUS, as well as adapting to a more dangerous and competitive world. We need to be able to have these forward-looking alternatives as well.

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

I declare an interest, not only as the chairman of the British-Swedish all-party parliamentary group, but as someone who has been an active proponent of closer British-Swedish relations for some time. We have rightly praised the hard work that my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary has done to expedite the accession of Sweden and Finland, but I also pay tribute to the Swedish Prime Minister, Magdalena Andersson, who has done incredible work within Sweden to change, in a few short months, its official posture—held for more than 200 years—of non-military alignment, and to gain support within her party, Parliament and the Swedish population. Does my hon. Friend agree that she deserves a lot of credit for what she has been able to do?

[Vicky Ford]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. I praise not only the Swedish leadership but that of Finland. I know that he pays close attention to the affairs of Sweden, a country for which he has strong personal affection, and I know that as a former serving member of the Royal Navy, he pays close attention to what happens on our seas and therefore across our North sea.

Northern Ireland Protocol Bill

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

2nd reading
Monday 27th June 2022 Commons Chamber

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

In rising to speak this evening, I find myself, unusually, in disagreement with my right hon. Friend the Member for Maidenhead (Mrs May), and in agreement —in part at least—with the hon. Member for Gordon (Richard Thomson). I am in agreement only in part because he said in his speech earlier today that we bandy around phrases such as “our precious Union” and “the integrity of our Union” quite a lot in this House, but it is quite clear that not everybody understands what is meant by the “Union” or its “integrity”, so much so that I worry that the meaning—the importance—has indeed been lost.

None the less, the Union does mean quite a lot to those of us who are in politics, because we are fighting every day to maintain it: to retain our national identity and to retain the right, which we all have in this country, to say that we are British, or that we are of this United Kingdom. We may be Scottish, Northern Irish, Welsh or English, but we are also British, and all else is secondary to that.

I sympathise with those in Northern Ireland who were alarmed to hear the British Government claim in court that the Northern Ireland protocol “temporarily suspended” article VI of the Act of Union. Article VI created the internal market of the United Kingdom and was designed to give Ireland—now Northern Ireland—residents equal footing with regards to trade, and guarantee equal footing in all future treaties with foreign powers.

To those of us who hold most dear the notion that all in these islands are equal and that all are held in parity of esteem, that article is fundamental to who we are as a people. That is why it is not surprising that those who want to break this Union, to remove that right, to take away our identity, to remove the right to call ourselves British, from those of us who hold that right most dear are against that move today.

The SNP may couch its opposition to the Bill in legalistic language and it may claim, as it did in its amendment, which was not selected, that it was against this Bill because it was against international law—

[Martin Docherty-Hughes]

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

[Andrew Bowie]

I will give way as the hon. Gentleman represents the SNP.

[Martin Docherty-Hughes]

If the hon. Gentleman is protecting what he and I would both agree is the Treaty of Union, why does he not extend the protocol, even as reformed by the Government, to Scotland, which, like Northern Ireland, voted to remain in the European Union?

[Andrew Bowie]

It might have passed the hon. Member’s attention that we actually had a referendum in Scotland in which the people of Scotland voted to remain in the United Kingdom. The reason why it was extended to Scotland is that Scotland voted to remain in the United Kingdom, and the United Kingdom voted as a whole to leave the European Union. He really must catch up. It was eight years ago that we had that argument—and we won.

The SNP is against the Bill because, as it says in clause 1, the introduction, it

“provides that enactments, including the Union with Ireland Act 1800 and the Act of Union (Ireland) 1800, are not to be affected by the provision of the Northern Ireland Protocol”.

In effect, the SNP is against the Bill because it affirms our Union and protects its integrity, which is a very bad thing indeed for the separatists.

We, myself included, did vote for the protocol. But, as we have heard numerous times today—I will not waste the House’s time by rehashing the examples that we have already heard—it is not working. Rightly or wrongly, true to previous international obligations or not, whether we like it or not, whether we would rather it were different, whether we brought it upon ourselves or think it the fault of others, the protocol is not working. And almost everyone acknowledges that. The European Union, albeit tacitly, acknowledges that. The protocol fails to meet its first objective. It says, as specified in article 1, paragraph 2 of the protocol itself:

“This Protocol respects the essential State functions and territorial integrity of the United Kingdom.”

And that is before we even look at whether it passes its own tests regarding trade. It says:

“Nothing in this Protocol shall prevent the United Kingdom from ensuring unfettered market access for goods moving from Northern Ireland to other parts of the United Kingdom’s internal market.”

It is hugely frustrating that the Commission refused to change the mandate of its representative in the talks, Maroš Šefčovič.

Everyone wants to see a negotiated solution to this. The European Union reopens agreements and negotiates changes with international partners all the time. It is almost certainly the world record holder in reopening international agreements. Having been in Brussels recently and spoken to colleagues in the European Parliament about this, I simply cannot understand the outright refusal to do so on this occasion, particularly when there is provision in the actual protocol to do just that. I do wonder whether all the Opposition’s strenuous efforts in demanding that we negotiate a solution might be better directed in calling for the EU to come to the negotiating table with a mandate to do just that. We cannot negotiate when there is nothing to negotiate about.

I am pleased that the Government have introduced this Bill. We need to resolve the issues of east-west trade. For the people of Northern Ireland, we must see a return to devolved government at Stormont. We must restore the primacy of the Good Friday agreement and we must ensure that parity of esteem for all people on these islands is held dear. I would rather that we did not have to introduce this Bill, but the refusal of the EU to come properly to the negotiating table is a huge frustration, so acting as they are is the Government’s only option. That is why I am proud to be supporting the Bill this evening.

Oral Answers to Questions

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

Tuesday 21st June 2022 Commons Chamber

[Elizabeth Truss]

We are very open to negotiations with the European Union, but they have to be prepared to change the protocol itself. The problems we have with customs and people in Northern Ireland not being able to access the same VAT benefits as people in Great Britain are baked into the protocol itself, and the legislation we have introduced, with green lanes and red lanes, protects the EU single market. It does not make the EU any worse off, while at the same time enabling free-flowing trade from east to west.

We need to achieve both of those things. I want to do so through negotiations, but we have been trying for 18 months; as yet, the EU have refused to change the protocol itself, and we simply cannot allow the situation to drift. We cannot allow more trade diversion, and we cannot allow the undermining of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement.

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

I hear what my right hon. Friend says about negotiating. We all agree that a negotiated settlement would be the best solution, but there is no point in negotiating with somebody who does not have a mandate to agree with any of the negotiation points being put to them. Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is up to the European Commission to change the mandate of its negotiator, Commissioner Šefčovič, so we can have those negotiations and come to an agreement, and so that the people of Northern Ireland can live safe and secure in the knowledge that we are coming to an agreement on this issue?

[Elizabeth Truss]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right that we want a negotiated solution. We have been part of those negotiations for 18 months, but fundamentally the mandate does not allow for the solutions that will help restore the primacy of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement and get rid of the unacceptable frictions that we are seeing in east-west trade. I suggest that Opposition Members direct their calls for negotiations towards the European Union and the goal of securing a new mandate. I think that would be a better use of their time.

Northern Ireland Protocol

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

Tuesday 17th May 2022 Commons Chamber

[Elizabeth Truss]

Various issues in the protocol are preventing the free flow of trade between GB and Northern Ireland, including customs codes. I want a comprehensive solution that creates a green channel in which commercial data is shared.

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

International agreements are renegotiated and reopened all the time. Indeed, the European Union is a persistent and repeat renegotiator of international agreements—so much so that it was written into the protocol that it could be renegotiated. I also heard Maroš Šefčovič say last week that we could get to a landing zone on the issue, but it is quite clear that the EU’s over-zealous interpretation of some elements of the protocol and his lack of a mandate to get us there is preventing us from making our way to that landing ground. Does my right hon. Friend agree that the legislation that she is proposing is the only way in which we can ensure the primacy of the Belfast/Good Friday agreement and the integrity of our United Kingdom?

[Elizabeth Truss]

Our proposals, which deal with customs bureaucracy and tax inequality, are ultimately the solution we need to deliver. If the EU has a new mandate and is prepared to look at those things, I am very clear that there is a landing zone with the EU. In the absence of that new mandate, we have to act, because this is about protecting the Belfast/Good Friday agreement and the balance between the communities in Northern Ireland. Ultimately, it is about protecting the entire United Kingdom.

Prime Minister’s Visit to India

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

Tuesday 26th April 2022 Commons Chamber

[Vicky Ford]

It is a shocking story that the hon. Lady tells, but we do engage with India on a range of human rights matters. We work with both union and state governments and with non-governmental organisations to help to build capacity and share expertise to promote human rights for all. As she knows, supporting women and girls is a top priority for this Government and the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Where we have concerns, we raise them directly with the Government of India, including at ministerial level.

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

Yesterday, I had the pleasure of being at the opening of the next round of trade talks between the UK and the United States in Aberdeenshire. There was genuine excitement, particularly from the businesses represented in the room, at the prospect of a deal by Diwali with India. However, as my hon. Friend the Member for Gloucester (Richard Graham) has said, given the situation in the world right now, of more immediate concern is our security and defence relationship. Can my hon. Friend the Minister expand on what was discussed by the Prime Minister and Narendra Modi about how we can improve our defence and security relationship with India?

[Vicky Ford]

I know my hon. Friend, as a former member of the Royal Navy, cares passionately about our defence. The leaders agreed to intensify co-operation as trusted partners under the India-UK defence and international security partnership framework. They noted the importance of robust defence industrial collaboration and worked specifically on the issue of cyber-security in a joint cyber statement. The aim is to deepen co-operation across cyber-governance, deterrence and strengthening cyber-resilience. The open general export licence will also reduce bureaucracy and shorten delivery times for defence procurements. This is the first time we have signed such a deal with any country in the Indo-Pacific.

Oral Answers to Questions

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

Tuesday 25th January 2022 Commons Chamber

[James Cleverly]

We have spoken at length in this House about the economic impact that the country and indeed the world have felt from covid, which has forced us temporarily to reduce our expenditure on official development assistance. We have had confirmation that we will return to 0.7%. With respect to the historical reductions in key areas such as humanitarian aid and women and girls, we will ensure that that money is returned to the budgets, as the Foreign Secretary has made clear. The process for future budget allocations has not concluded; until it has, any talk about figures can only be speculative on the hon. Lady’s part.

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

While all eyes have been on Ukraine, my right hon. Friend will be aware that as a result of recent Russian naval activity, Sweden has taken the decision to send hundreds of troops and arms to the island of Gotland in the Baltic. What are the Government doing to support Baltic and Nordic countries, which feel very much in the frontline, against Russian aggression?

[James Cleverly]

I can confirm that the Defence Secretary has been doing a lot of work in that area. The Foreign Secretary was in Riga not so long ago. We absolutely recognise that our northern partners, the Baltic states and the Scandinavian countries, are in a geographically difficult and vulnerable place. I can assure my hon. Friend that our support for freedom, democracy and peace extends to that part of the world, as well as to more high-profile issues such as those in Ukraine.

Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action: Iran

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

Tuesday 19th October 2021 Westminster Hall

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Nokes. I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for Preseli Pembrokeshire (Stephen Crabb) on securing this important and timely debate.

Listening to some of the contributions, I was reminded of my time on board HMS Kent in 2009. When we sailed through the Strait of Hormuz, there was the ominous sight of two Iranian vessels, shadowing us and watching us every step of the way from the opening of the strait up and into Bahrain, out of which we were based. This was at the time of the green revolution, which people might remember, when there was a brief flicker of hope that a better future for Iran might be achievable. Government supporters were burning Union flags and the stars and stripes, and castigating the west for involving itself in internal Iranian affairs, which, of course, it was not doing. The movement was a sign that the Iranian people wanted a better future for themselves and their country.

Sadly, the Iran of today is about as far removed from a better future and from those days as it is possible to get. One need look no further than the supreme leader installing Raisi as President, as has already been spoken about—a man who started his political career in the regime’s mass murder of political opponents back in the 1980s. Not only is Raisi subject to sanctions, but 12 individuals in his Cabinet are sanctioned, which is the highest number ever in the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Following the signing of the JCPOA, Tehran was welcome to take a different choice. It could have taken the hand of prosperity, stood up for itself and fostered itself into the family of peaceful nations, but its commitment to destabilising the middle east is absolute. Not only do we and our allies suffer for it, but the Iranian people, who we have spoken about today, are worse off for it.

At the nexus of Iran’s regional destabilisation sits the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The UK Government have already underlined the threat that the IRGC poses not only to the region but to countries such as our own. The UK Treasury lists the IRGC and its infamous Quds force, as being subject to UK terrorism and terrorist financing sanctions. Although that is welcome, I believe it is time that the UK followed the United States of America in proscribing the IRGC. I urge my right hon. Friend the Minister to follow that up with his colleagues in the Home Office.

Sanctions work. We see that around the world, and history tells us that they work. After all, Iran’s decision to enter the JCPOA in the first place was the direct result of an unprecedented framework of sanctions imposed by the UK and other allied nations. The Biden Administration previously estimated that Iran’s trade dropped by 40%, or some $18 billion, during 2019 and 2020, as President Trump’s sanctions hit. They inflicted significant harm on Iranian Government finances and caused a collapse in the Iranian currency.

Despite the effectiveness of these sanctions in bringing Iran to the negotiating table, the new President’s team has taken a different approach, and it is understood that Iran’s financial position has already improved as a result of lax sanctions enforcement against its elicit oil sales. This will have secured Tehran invaluable revenue to stave off fiscal collapse, while emboldening it to continue destabilising regional policies and to continue its nuclear escalation.

In recent weeks, there have been reports that the Biden Administration may be willing to provide significant sanctions relief and release frozen assets. Some reports even suggest that sanctions could be lifted on banks, human rights abusers and those with links to terrorism. Does the Minister share my and other Members’ concerns at these reports? What assessment has he made of the effectiveness of the UK’s existing sanctions against the Iranian people who are already listed? What does the UK intend to do about the list of entities that have previously supported Iran’s nuclear and missile programmes, which are stated to be delisted in 2023 by the EU and the UK pursuant to annexe II and annexe V of the JCPOA nuclear deal?

Even if the JCPOA is resurrected and re-enforced, delisting these persons and entities will mean that, as the deal lurches on, Iran’s network of proliferators receive sanctions relief in the EU and the UK without being required to undergo a change in behaviour. I encourage my right hon. Friend the Minister to consider the UK leading an international effort to compile an exhaustive list of those responsible for human rights abuses in Iran and to hold them accountable through additional waves of sanctions. It should be a concern for us all that we have reached this point. Whether with our presence in the region or sanctions from Westminster, we must continue through free debates such as these to let the Iranian people know that we are speaking for them and Iran’s leaders know we are watching them. The Iranian people must know that their plight and the plight of the whole region has not been forgotten.

Hong Kong: Sentencing of Pro-democracy Activists

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

Monday 7th December 2020 Commons Chamber

[Nigel Adams]

As I said in a previous answer, China does not recognise dual citizenship. Therefore, gaining access to provide consular assistance to BNOs is nigh-on impossible.

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

I thank my hon. Friend for all he has said so far today. Does he join me in welcoming the fact that already this year 216,000 BNO passports have been issued to Hong Kong residents, more than in any other year from 1997 to this point?

[Nigel Adams]

It is absolutely right that my hon. Friend raises that. From July 2020, BNO citizens and their dependants have been eligible to be granted six months’ leave outside the rules at the border to the UK. From 15 July to 14 October 2020, that number was over 2,115. My understanding is that it is now up towards 3,500, but obviously the data is not necessarily a reliable proxy for the number that may apply for the visa when it opens in January.

South China Sea: Freedom of Navigation

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

Thursday 3rd September 2020 Commons Chamber

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

I can see that the Minister is flushed with success at the passing of that Bill, and I am grateful to the House for allowing me so much time this afternoon to speak on an issue of such importance.

Over the past six months, the focus of this Government, and, indeed, of most Governments the world over, has rightly been on fighting and defeating coronavirus—defeating this killer disease and dealing with the pandemic and the economic fallout from our necessary actions to limit the spread and to save lives. It is possibly for this reason that colleagues have been approaching me with puzzled looks today, asking me why I have chosen this issue, with so much else going on, to raise in the House this afternoon. I am raising it because I believe that this country has a right and, indeed, a duty to uphold international law and an obligation to protect the rules-based international order—a system that we see under attack and under threat like never before, be it by the Russian state poisoning opponents on British soil, such as we saw in Salisbury in 2018, or now in the South China sea, for our values and the values of the free world are very much under threat on those waters. This House should be under no doubt that the Chinese Communist party has used the cover of the global pandemic to step up its struggle for hegemony in the South China sea.

The Chinese “Blue Sea 2020” campaign continues apace, as does the growth of the naval capability of the people’s liberation army. Between 2014 and 2018, China launched more submarines, warships, amphibious vessels and auxiliaries than the total number of ships currently serving in the individual navies of Germany, India, Spain and the United Kingdom. At 335 vessels, the PLA’s fleet outnumbers even that of the United States navy, which commands 296 vessels, a number of ships that is probably looked on with envy by our admirals.

The size of the Chinese fleet and its rate of growth should be a clear warning of China’s determination to become a maritime superpower. Only last week, the PLA launched a series of medium-range missiles capable of carrying nuclear missiles considerable distances into the South China sea. Those launches followed Chinese live-fire war games in the Taiwan straits, another performative demonstration of China’s strategic dominance and its claim to sovereignty over these waters.

Despite the implication in its name, the South China sea is not simply the nautical area below southern China, nor does the term simply describe China’s southern territorial waters. The waters in question stretch from Malaysia to the Philippines, and from Vietnam to the edge of Indonesia. The South China sea encompasses an entire region of more than 1,400,000 square miles, which is more than 14 times the size of the United Kingdom. The People’s Republic of China lays claim to almost all of it, including large chunks of what are internationally agreed as the exclusive economic zones of Vietnam, Brunei and the Philippines.

China’s claim in the region is encircled by a demarcation line, dubbed the “nine-dash line”, although the Chinese Communist party added an unprecedented 10th dash in 2013 to encircle the entirety of the nation of Taiwan. However, an arbitration case brought by the Philippines, under the United Nations convention on the law of the sea, at the international Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague ruled in 2016 that China had no legal right to the territory in the nine-dash line, having never historically exercised exclusive control over the waters or the resources contained within it. That is important. Freedom of navigation on the high seas is important. It is one of the pillars of the law of the sea and has been for centuries, since 1609, in fact, when Hugo Grotius published “Mare Liberum” or “The Freedom of the Seas”, and it is at the origins of modern international law. The argument he made in 1609 that the sea is a fundamental avenue for communication and co-operation among states is as relevant today as it was in the 17th century. Freedom of navigation is also vital for economic growth. Without freedom to navigate, fish and explore, there is no free trade. That is why we must stand firm, and it is why I am raising this issue on the Floor of the House this afternoon.

The 2016 ruling, made in a Court that the UK Government recognise, under a UN convention that the UK is party to and has ratified, was supported as legitimate by the overwhelming majority of the international community, including our European friends and allies, and the US, yet China has outright rejected the ruling and has escalated its activities in the region, in clear defiance of international law. Conveniently, for the Chinese Communist party, the nine-dash line—now the 10-dash line—coincides with huge proven oil and gas reserves, and about a third of the world’s marine diversity. China has not, as was ruled by the Permanent Court of Arbitration, historically exercised control over these waters, nor does it have the settled territory in the area necessary to make these sorts of territorial claims, yet the Chinese Communist party has sought to circumvent those inconvenient facts by dumping millions of tonnes of cubic metres of sand on fragile coral reefs, creating a great wall of sand, a chain of artificial islands that China intends to use to manufacture the basis of a territorial claim. The installation of military bases on these islands will then be used to enforce that claim. As we sit here discussing the issue, that is taking place.

It is easy to see why China wants to control these waters. In addition to the huge oil reserves that lie under the seabed, one third of global shipping passes through the South China sea, including a great share of Chinese exports. The value of trade passing through the sea is put at more than $3 trillion a year. The region is also home to huge fish stocks, which are crucial to ensuring food stability and to the livelihoods of millions of people in neighbouring countries. In April, the PLA navy rammed a Vietnamese fishing vessel operating in contested waters, sinking it. The PLA denies that and instead alleges that the Vietnamese vessel rammed the much larger Chinese ship, for reasons seemingly unclear to anyone. In May 2014, the Chinese coastguard made the same claim of a similar collision, alleging that it had been attacked by a Vietnamese fishing boat—uncharacteristic belligerence for a light non-military vessel. That was until video evidence emerged of the Chinese vessel deliberately ramming the Vietnamese boat. As a Member of Parliament representing a seat in the north-east of Scotland, where fishing is a major historic industry, it is only too easy to imagine the economic damage and hardship that would come from being prevented from fishing in waters believed to be free to navigate and fish on. We heard in a heated debate in this House only two days ago how passionately people in our fishing communities feel about having access to waters to fish and the economic importance for industry and the communities it supports. Off the coast of Vietnam, we are seeing the wholesale seizure of livelihoods of Vietnamese fishermen.

It is impossible to represent the community surrounding Aberdeen without understanding the critical importance of the oil and gas sector and what it can do for a nation’s economy. China’s attempts to frustrate the development of offshore oil and gas facilities developed by neighbouring nations is not only unfair to the nations in whose exclusive economic zones those resources lie but a threat to global energy security. Every single day, over 1.6 million barrels of oil are shipped through the Malacca straits. The continued ability and freedom to do so and the freedom of smaller nations around the South China sea to utilise their marine resources without threat or hindrance is vital.

With the renewed rejection in July by both America and Australia of China’s territorial and maritime claims in the South China sea, it is time that a truly global Britain steps up to the plate and meets this unwarranted and illegal encroachment with renewed assertiveness. It was very welcome in 2018 to see HMS Albion en route to Vietnam demonstrate our determination to uphold international law by sailing through the legally defined international waters around the Paracel Islands, but the reaction from China, though predictable, was depressing, claiming that we had infringed China’s sovereignty. China is a great country and the Chinese people are great people. We want to work with them, co-operate and learn as we jointly confront the biggest issues of our time—climate change, covid and developing emerging economies—but we must stand firm and defend international law and the rules-based order.

We must open our eyes to the glaringly obvious, as we, under the banner of the new Foreign, Commonwealth and Development office, seek to forge a new and positive role for Britain on the world stage, supporting our friends and allies in upholding the international rules-based order. We must recognise that it is our responsibility to ensure that global trade is able to continue unimpeded and support the rights of smaller nations. As the Government conduct their integrated review of security, defence, development and foreign affairs, I urge them to pay attention to what is happening on the South China sea and to make good on their promise to improve the capability of our world-class armed forces by making investment in the Royal Navy a priority. While the national shipbuilding strategy was a welcome first step in renewing the Royal Navy, progress has been slow. We desperately need more frigates, destroyers and, indeed, sailors if we are to support our allies and commit ourselves to defending freedom of navigation.

I also urge the Government to plan for a multinational fleet to sail with HMS Queen Elizabeth when it cruises into the Indo-Pacific and to pursue an extended role in the Pacific for this country. If I may make one further ask of the Government, it would be that work starts immediately on devising and operationalising an enhanced freedom of navigation policy to be systematically applied and tested whenever regional powers seek to undermine the law of the sea or other international agreements.

We have a proud history in the United Kingdom of standing up as a beacon of democracy, a bastion of freedom and a defender of rights, free trade and the rules-based order. It is essential that we step up to the plate once again, work with our allies in the region and show that it does not matter whether these values are under threat on our own shores, in Europe or on the other side of the world; there is nowhere this country will not go to show our resolve to defend and maintain international law and freedom. I believe this is global Britain’s moment. We must not let it pass by.

Hong Kong National Security Legislation: UK Response

Andrew Bowie Excerpts

Tuesday 2nd June 2020 Commons Chamber

[Dominic Raab]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right to raise the point of principle that we must be very mindful, across campuses and universities and generally, in relation to China and otherwise, to protect the freedom of expression and freedom of speech that we are now jealously guarding for the people of Hong Kong. He is right to raise the concerns around undue influence that effectively trails back to the Chinese Government. That is something we are actively looking at.

[Andrew Bowie (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (Con)]

The very fact that we are debating here today and seem to be speaking with one voice will send a strong message to the people of Hong Kong of our support for them at this time. With the postponement of the G7, when does the Prime Minister plan to raise this issue with President Xi?

[Dominic Raab]

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. We will raise this, as we have raised it consistently, with the Chinese Government at every level—of course, to the extent that they are willing to engage. The important point is to engage with China, to the extent that we can, on these very specific points and the specific basis that I have set out. Of course, China just looks the other way and wants to ignore and flout not just international law but international opinion, and of course there are going to be consequences for its own ambitions in the world.