Middle East

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Tuesday 20th November 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hague]

I have made very clear my views about a ground incursion, but I have also said many times that Israel is making a mistake through settlement building, through not easing access into Gaza and through not, so far, making a more decisively advantageous proposition to the Palestinians about a two-state solution than it has made in recent years. So we are very clear about all of that and very clear about mistakes that have been made. Now we have to bring an end to the mistakes and make progress on a two-state solution before it is too late.

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

On the Syrian opposition group and recognition, what discussions have been held with the United States to get it to recognise the opposition group? So far the United States has refused to recognise the group.

[Mr Hague]

The United States has so far used different wording from that which I used today. It has talked about the coalition being a legitimate representative of the Syrian people. It has not yet gone as far as we have, or France, Turkey or the Gulf states. It is for the United States to decide over the coming days or weeks but I believe, as I said, that other countries will add to the recognition that we have given today, and I hope that in due course the United States will be one of them.

Oral Answers to Questions

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Tuesday 30th October 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hague]

Since I agree with the right hon. Gentleman about the need for a transitional Government, I do not want to disappoint him too much in respect of the start of his question. It is not that the western world has set out on regime change in Syria, but it is certainly our analysis, and it has been for a long time, that peace cannot be brought to Syria without the departure of President Assad. There is no viable peace; there is no peace that the people of Syria would accept without that. I am not changing tone or policy on that. The right hon. Gentleman is quite right about the need for a transitional Government. We agreed in Geneva at the end of June—with Russia, China and all other leading nations—about the need for that. What we do not have is the active participation of Russia in bringing about such a transitional Government.

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

Does the Secretary of State have any reports about the growing anti-west resentment and feeling by the Syrian people in the opposition as a result of the west not doing enough to protect them?

[Mr Hague]

As my hon. Friend will know, there is a great variety of views. I find that there is enormous gratitude for what we have done and what we try to do diplomatically, and for the huge amount of humanitarian assistance that is provided, but yes, there are also members of Syrian opposition groups who would like us to do something different, and who would like a military intervention from outside. As I have explained to the House before, we do not rule out any options. We do not know how the situation will develop. However, for reasons that I have given the House many times before, it is very different from the situation in Libya last year.

Human Rights Violations

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Wednesday 12th September 2012 Westminster Hall

[Mr Robert Buckland (South Swindon) (Con)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Howarth. I am delighted to have secured a debate on an issue that is of real importance to Members across the House. I am glad to see that representatives of other political parties are present to join in discussing such a vital issue.

The debate arises as a direct result of a report published earlier this summer by the Conservative party human rights commission, which I have the honour of chairing. I am particularly grateful to fellow members of the commission, including Members of both Houses of Parliament, Members of the European Parliament and campaigners, for their work and support in helping the inquiry that led to the publication of our report. I am grateful to my hon. Friends the Members for The Cotswolds (Geoffrey Clifton-Brown), who is present, for his work in the oral evidence sessions held during the inquiry, and for Congleton (Fiona Bruce), who is also present, for her unstinting work in that respect.

I also pay tribute to all the organisations that submitted written evidence to the commission and to those who gave oral evidence. A wide range of organisations gave evidence to our inquiry, including Amnesty International, the British Medical Association, the Law Society, Medact, Human Rights Watch, the National Union of Teachers, the Rights Practice and the Peace Brigades. The result is the report entitled, “Professionals in the Firing Line”, which makes a number of recommendations to the Government that I shall deal with in turn.

In the ongoing debate about the state of human rights across the world, one thing is very clear: without the existence of impartial and independent professions and in the absence of proper systems allowing business people to operate with integrity, no society can truly call itself free or open. In other words, the implementation of basic standards of democracy and human rights at a political level will never be enough. Unless a country has a similar commitment to the free conduct of people offering and carrying out professional services—whether they are lawyers, doctors, teachers, journalists or people undertaking legitimate business—not only is the country in question obstructing freedom, but it is impeding its own economic and social development. Regimes in various parts of the world know that all too well, but they perceive the independence of professions or businesses within their societies as some sort of threat to their own political power.

For many years, I have been a member of a profession in England and Wales—the Bar—and its code of conduct tells barristers that among our duties must be the ability, at all times, to conduct cases “without fear or favour”. That is a phrase that the hon. Member for Wrexham (Ian Lucas) will know well from his work as a lawyer. The words “without fear or favour” are very simple, but very powerful. They encapsulate two vital concepts for any professional holding themselves to be truly independent: first, the ability to operate freely and without worrying about any repercussions as a result of their actions; and secondly, the freedom to act without inducement or corrupt practice. In too many parts of the world, fear and undue favour are still all too prevalent in professional work.

Our report focused on several themes. Rather than taking a country-by-country approach, we considered the violations of human rights that are faced by different professions, according to the evidence that we received. We looked at the violations of human rights that are faced by lawyers and, according to the evidence, where the rule of law is weak or absent, lawyers face particular challenges. Whether they are challenging human rights abuses on behalf of political dissidents, representing communities threatened by large-scale economic development or defending people who are alleged to have infringed religious laws, lawyers face considerable infringements.

In places such as Colombia, Mexico, Nepal and Guatemala, lawyers face a range of human rights violations, including death threats, intimidation, stalking, assault, illegal surveillance and defamation. In Colombia, more than 400 lawyers have been assassinated since 1991. Shakespeare wrote memorably about killing all the lawyers but, in a different context and a different time, the lack of truly independent legal advice is a real threat to civil societies, such as that in Colombia.

I have focused on the dangers faced by lawyers. However, it is important to remember that not only are lawyers facing dangers, but the rule of law itself and the independence of the judiciary are under attack. For example, in Iran, the independent Bar Association, which was set up in 1955, was closed down after the revolution, and the majority of its directors were jailed. In the past two years, more than a dozen lawyers who had been members of that association have been imprisoned for defending political prisoners and even worse, because it is more permanent, many have been disqualified from practice.

In China, as it reaches a change of leadership, there again seems to be a crackdown on all forms of political dissent, which poses a particular challenge for lawyers, mainly due to an increase in police surveillance. We think that China has shown a complete failure to respect the United Nations basic principles on the role of lawyers. We have particular concerns about several cases involving the abduction, torture and house arrest or the holding incommunicado of lawyers. Of particular concern are the cases of Cheng Guangcheng, a blind lawyer, who has spent most of the past six years in prison or under house arrest for filing law suits on behalf of women forced to have abortions under the one-child policy; of Gao Zhisheng, a human rights lawyer, who defended Falun Gong and house church Christians and has at various times in recent years been jailed and beaten and is currently still in prison; of the several Molihua lawyers, who have been detained for varying periods in the past year; of the Beihai lawyers, who have been beaten up and arrested on various occasions; and, finally, of Liu Xiaoyuan, a Beijing-based lawyer and friend of the artist Ai Weiwei, who was detained for six days in April last year at an undisclosed location. All those are pretty stark examples of China’s failure to adhere to a basic tenet of human rights.

In Bahrain last year, the prominent defence lawyer Mohamed al-Tajer was arrested without a warrant by masked security officers, who took him to an unknown location and brought him before a military court, in which he was charged with allegations of spreading rumours and malicious news and of inciting hatred towards the regime. His trial was then referred to a civilian court and he has been released from prison, but his legal status is unclear. I mentioned Iran, and it would be wrong not to refer to the case of Nasrin Sotoudeh, who was arrested in September 2010 and is now serving an 11-year sentence for representing the Nobel peace prize recipient Dr Shirin Ebadi as well as many other human rights campaigners.

As a result of the evidence we heard, we have made a number of recommendations for action by the British Government. First, we recommend that they do everything that they can to promote respect for the rule of law and protection for lawyers in all relevant public statements and bilateral discussions.

Secondly, we recommend that the Government develop and maintain relationships with lawyers, especially those at risk and those involved in defending human rights campaigners, political activists and vulnerable communities, and in conducting anti-corruption cases. Embassy staff should visit lawyers and provide opportunities and platforms to meet.

Thirdly, we recommend that all United Kingdom diplomatic missions implement the EU guidelines on human rights defenders and include the protection of local human rights defenders, including lawyers, in their contingency plans for emergency situations.

Fourthly, financial support and technical expertise should be provided to Governments and lawyers to increase understanding of the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary. We also recommend that human rights violations and questions of impunity are investigated so that justice is upheld. Finally, we called for the ratification of the United Nations international convention for the protection of all persons from enforced disappearances.

We then looked at the challenges faced by medical practitioners, whether they be doctors, nurses or other medical workers. We of course dealt with the incidents that arose from the unrest in the Kingdom of Bahrain in 2011, which involved a large number of Bahraini doctors. More than 200 medical professionals were arrested following the direct intervention by security forces in an incident at the Salmaniya medical complex, the largest public hospital. The events that followed are well documented, but the evidence that we heard from a number of professions were of arrests, detention and, sadly, mistreatment. We also looked at the use of military rather than civil procedures to deal with a number of people, and of criminal proceedings to address issues that were more properly the province of professional conduct.

The commission was pleased to note that 15 criminal prosecutions against medical professionals were dropped in March and that, in the aftermath of the unrest, the Bahraini Government set up a national institution on human rights and a new human rights and social development Ministry, and are making some progress in moving their society forward from the position it had reached last year.

We urge the Bahraini Government to allow foreign journalists and human rights organisations to observe such developments, and call on Her Majesty’s Government to monitor their progress so that we do not have a situation whereby lip service is paid to human rights.

We encountered evidence of the threats being posed to medical professionals not only in Bahrain, but in several other countries. We received examples of cases from Syria, Iran and India. In Syria, we heard evidence of the arrest, torture and abuse of health professionals, Sadly, we also heard about the death of a number of professionals in that country.

According to the British Medical Association, there are reports of some doctors being used by the Syrian authorities as tools of repression. In some cases, they were instructed to abuse wounded protesters who sought treatment in state-run hospitals, which is an appalling perversion of the oath that is taken by all doctors and the ethics that surround the medical profession. It is something that any truly free society would regard as abhorrent.

We also heard about the case of Dr Binayak Sen in India. He is a renowned paediatrician and human rights activist who was sentenced to life imprisonment for sedition and conspiracy against the state before being released on bail by the Indian Supreme Court last April. His imprisonment has been condemned by a number of organisations, including Amnesty and Human Rights Watch.

It is also known that in conflict zones, medical professionals are deliberately targeted by those involved. For example, in Sri Lanka, during the final stages of the civil war, the military was accused of intentionally shelling field hospitals, killing doctors and other medical professionals. The United Nations report of the Secretary-General’s panel of experts on accountability in Sri Lanka said:

“The Government systematically shelled hospitals on the frontlines. All hospitals in the Vanni were hit by mortars and artillery, some of them were hit repeatedly”.

In the ongoing and historic ethnic conflicts in Burma, attacks by the Burmese army on clinics and medical professionals are well documented.

As a result of the evidence we heard, we make the following recommendations for the Government: consider proposing an extension to the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to health to include reporting on protection for and violations of medical neutrality; work with the International Committee of the Red Cross to develop the project “Health care in danger” to better assure the security of health care workers during armed conflict; and ensure that British diplomatic representatives are present at any trial proceedings involving doctors or other medical professionals where there is evidence that the defendants have been subjected to violations of human rights or are being persecuted as a direct result of fulfilling their professional and ethical medical responsibilities. Finally, we welcome the Bahraini Government’s acknowledgement of the abuses that were committed, and urge the Government to monitor closely the progress of promised institutional change in Bahrain.

We then looked at violations of human rights being faced by journalists and media workers. We were helped by organisations such as Article 19, which works in the area of press freedom. Since 2010, more than 500 journalists have been killed and in 2011 alone at least 97 were killed. Among the most dangerous countries for journalists are Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Mexico, the Philippines and Somalia. It is right to note that Turkey and Uzbekistan have the highest number of journalists in prison.

It is estimated that 145 journalists are in jail around the world, with 67 in Turkey alone. They are mostly being held under anti-terror laws. Media workers are also vulnerable to violence based on gender and to sudden disappearances. At least 10 journalists disappeared in Mexico in 2011. Infringements against the media take place not only in countries with conflict situations or with little or no democratic progress, but in emerging democracies. It is crystal clear that in the overwhelming majority of cases, the crimes against journalists go unpunished. In other words, there is operation with impunity by both states and third parties within those countries.

Belarus is a country of particular concern to the commission. There are a number of continuing infringements against the freedom of journalists to operate. The case of Oleg Bebenin, who was found hanged in his country home in 2010, is one of the most concerning cases. Even though Belarus is in Europe, it is ranked 189th out of 196 countries for press freedom by Freedom House, which is lower than Iran or Zimbabwe. All mainstream media outlets in Belarus are controlled by the state and after a mass media law was passed in 2008 further restrictions were introduced, including allowing state prosecutors and the ministry of information to close or suspend news outlets if they

“threaten the interests of the state or the public”.

That has resulted in the denial of many licences for media groups and an increased risk to media organisations that are hostile to or disagree with the regime.

The position in China regarding the media also concerned the commission. In particular, many bloggers and others using the internet have been arrested in the last year. The Foreign Correspondents’ Club of China reports that more than a dozen reporters, including representatives of international media organisations such as the BBC, CNN and Bloomberg, have been detained or beaten by security officers when they covered possible protests. Zhang Jialong, the former Caijing magazine journalist who covered the detention of the artist Ai Weiwei, went missing in April 2011 after being approached by a person claiming to represent the police. In 2009, the Nobel prize laureate Liu Xiaobo was sentenced to 11 years in prison having been held incommunicado since December 2008.

In Iran, journalists face harassment, torture and imprisonment. They include Faranak Farid, a women’s rights activist and journalist. She was arrested in September 2011 and detained without charge. She is reported to have been beaten so severely that she is now unable to move one of her arms and has lost the hearing in her left ear.

I have already mentioned Syria in another context, but it would be wrong of me not to refer to that country and that regime again in discussing journalists. Several journalists in Syria, including Mohammed Zaid Mastou and Dorothy Parvaz, have been detained.

As a commission, we recommend that the Government take several steps to increase protection for media workers and to promote press freedom. We urge the Government to work to uphold and enforce UN Security Council resolution 1738 on the protection of journalists; we urge the Government to support activities to promote world press freedom day each year; and finally, we ask the Government to help to ensure that press freedom and the protection of media workers are raised in all bilateral and multilateral forums, with specific attention paid to the EU and the UN, and particularly with reference to the Governments of China, Iran, Mexico, Pakistan, the Philippines, Turkey and Uzbekistan.

The report then turns to the violations of human rights that are being faced by teachers. Once again, maintaining the integrity and independence of the teaching profession is vital if future generations are to have access to the truth and understand the world around them in an objective way. It is sad and concerning to note that in far too many regimes and countries teachers themselves are facing oppression and the use of violence by third parties within those countries. We are grateful to the National Union of Teachers for the evidence that it provided.

In countries such as Colombia, Ethiopia and Iran, the situation is particularly concerning. The position of teachers in Colombia remains grave. In 2010, 49 trade unionists were assassinated, 27 of whom were teachers and members of the Colombian teaching union. As I say, the position of teachers in Colombia remains very serious. In 2011, the killings continued; in fact, 29 trade unionists were assassinated last year. And so far in 2012, 16 trade unionists have been assassinated.

In 2009, Education International published a report on political violence against the education sector in Colombia. The report said that between 1991 and 2006 more than 800 Colombian teachers and education workers were murdered. Those killings were carried out primarily by right-wing paramilitary organisations, and once again they were committed with impunity—that means that there was no punishment, no comeback and no consequence as a result of those murders.

One example of such killings is that of Jorge Eliécer de los Ríos Cárdenas, a teacher who was responsible for an environmental education project. In June 2011, he was shot several times outside his school. He had publicly denounced the effects of open-cast mining on his local community and he paid for that with his life.

In Ethiopia, teaching unions have been restricted and teachers who have been active in illegal union activities have faced intense persecution. Teachers who have criticised the Government’s educational policies have been dismissed. In 2008, a new union, the National Teachers’ Association, was established but it was not recognised by the Government. In November 2011, an Ethiopian teacher burned himself to death in protest against human rights violations, having been jailed for helping to organise demonstrations against corruption in government.

In Iran, members of teaching unions have faced arrest and detention, and teachers belonging to religious minorities have faced severe persecution. Last year, the authorities in Iran tried to shut down the Baha’i Institute for Higher Education, which is the only higher education facility for those adhering to the Baha’i faith. As a result, dozens of academic staff were detained. Other cases from Iran that we heard about include that of Farzad Kamangar, a 35-year-old teacher who was imprisoned and charged with “enmity towards God”. He was sentenced to death and executed in 2010. Furthermore, meetings of the Iranian Teacher Trade Association have been prevented from happening and many teachers remain in detention.

After the protests in Bahrain that took place early last year, we have heard examples and received evidence of the violation of human rights of teachers and university professors in that country. In particular, we heard evidence about the case of Jaleela al-Salman, vice-president of the Bahrain Teachers Association. We are concerned about her arrest in March 2011, which took place in her own home in front of her children. We are also concerned about the dissolution of the Bahraini teachers’ union, which happened in April 2011. A new union was established but it was established by a Government ministry, and therefore there are concerns about the integrity and independence of that organisation.

Having considered all the evidence about teachers that it received, the commission makes the following recommendations: we urge the Government to seek systematic protection of the human rights of teachers across the world; we ask the Government to promote the implementation of fundamental labour standards, including the International Labour Organisation conventions 87 and 98; we ask the Government to promote the right of teachers to form trade unions; we ask the Government to seek accountability for crimes committed against teachers and teacher trade unionists around the world, particularly in Colombia and Ethiopia; and finally, we call upon the Government to seek the release of all teachers imprisoned in Iran.

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this very important debate. He has asked the Government to take certain steps, but does he agree that we also need to urge other countries to establish a body similar to our Joint Committee on Human Rights? I serve on that Committee, which considers whether all legislation is human rights-compatible. Does he agree that we need to encourage other countries to have such a committee, to ensure that all legislation is looked at in the light of human rights?

[Mr Buckland]

I am extremely grateful to my hon. Friend for that intervention. He makes a very proper point about the need for more effective political mechanisms for legislators, so that every possible step is taken to ensure that human rights legislation is passed in the country in question. I think that he will agree with my fundamental point that that, in and of itself, is not enough and that more needs to be done at the professional and civil levels to propagate standards of independence, integrity and freedom. Without that kind of culture developing in countries with poor records, such countries cannot be judged to be truly free.

[Rehman Chishti]

My hon. Friend has briefly touched on the overall aspect, which is the separation of executive and judicial powers. The fundamental point is that it is great to have lawyers who can carry out their jobs, but it is important to have a judiciary that will give them impartial hearings. The countries that he mentions are affected by that, and unless the situation changes one will not get proper human rights.

Syria

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Monday 3rd September 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hague]

We do not ever stop in our efforts on that point. Of course, we have done everything we possibly can to try to persuade them over the past few months, including my visit to Moscow at the end of May, the discussions I had with both the Russian and Chinese Foreign Ministers when we met in Geneva at the end of June and the meetings that the Prime Minister had in August. There is no let up in the efforts by the United Kingdom, France and the United States—and indeed many Arab countries—to try to persuade them. We will continue to do that. This subject will be a focus of discussion, as I have mentioned, at the UN General Assembly ministerial week later in September. Again, we will directly address the question face-to-face with the Russians and Chinese during that week. I imagine, without prejudging the Prime Minister’s speech to the General Assembly, that there is a high likelihood that the subject will feature in that speech. I have to be—[Interruption.] Yes, I might have something to do with writing it as well, but the Prime Minister will have views about what he is going to say. I have to be realistic and I am trying to be as frank as possible with the House and I have seen no sign that Russia will change its position without a further substantial change in the circumstances on the ground.

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

Does the Foreign Secretary agree with some observers that the new UN envoy to Syria, Mr Brahimi, must have strong, real support from the United Nations Security Council or he will fail, like his predecessor?

[Mr Hague]

Yes, I absolutely agree with my hon. Friend. When I met Mr Brahimi in New York last week I encouraged him to be clear when he needs the support of the Security Council and to be ready to demand that support at crucial moments. I hope he will heed that advice.

British Expatriates (Punjab)

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Tuesday 27th March 2012 Westminster Hall

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Walker, and I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Esher and Walton (Mr Raab) on securing this important debate on an issue that has real ramifications for British nationals who visit India. I also pay tribute to his excellent work in representing the concerns of his constituents.

Like my hon. Friend, I have encountered a tragic and horrific case. It involves the mother of a constituent of mine. Surjit Kaur was a British national who visited India in February and March 2011. I am led to believe from the little information that the family and I, and the Foreign Office, have been provided with by the Indian authorities that Mrs Kaur was murdered on 31 March 2011.

Mrs Kaur’s tragic case was highlighted in The Guardian on Friday 8 April 2011. It is that newspaper’s reporting of the facts of the case to which I will refer. As I said, the Indian authorities have not provided the full facts, which were sought by the family and me in our meeting with the Foreign Office. At this point, I thank the Foreign Office Minister, who was very kind in meeting the family, taking on board their concerns and coming back with a number of points that needed clarification. Despite his best efforts, I was very disappointed with the response of the Indian authorities in not providing that information.

I will set out briefly the facts of the case. The report in The Guardian stated:

“The decapitated remains of a British woman have been recovered by Indian police who claim she was murdered after a bungled attempt to extort money from her children in the UK.

The head and body of Surjit Kaur, who is believed to have been in her 60s, were found separately this week. Two local men, one a relative of the victim, have been arrested and police said they had confessed to the killing. The two arrested men, named by police as Harbhaghan Singh and Gurwinder Singh, visited the home of a close relative of Kaur after her disappearance to express their concern, according to reports.”

The Guardian report goes on to say:

“Sandip Sharma, the deputy superintendent of…police, who is investigating the murder, told the Guardian the attack took place after the two suspects lured her away under false pretences…He said they strangled Kaur, cut off her head and threw it into a river. Her body was dismembered and scattered in nearby fields, he added.”

In the light of that, I asked some specific questions of the Indian authorities in the meeting with the Minister. I have a response from the Foreign Office, dated 21 December 2011; it followed the meeting between the family and the Minister on 23 November. The first question was this: did the two accused plead guilty to the murder of Mrs Kaur? The answer in that letter was yes—they pleaded guilty to the murder of Mrs Kaur. The second question that I asked specifically was whether they were sentenced for the murder of Mrs Kaur. The answer in the letter was that they were not:

“The trial collapsed before it reached a conclusion and so the accused were not sentenced.”

When two people have confessed to a murder, how can a trial collapse? It defies logic to hear that two people have admitted guilt for the murder of an individual and then to be told that the trial has collapsed. But it gets worse than that, which is why I think that there needs to be a full, thorough investigation.

On page 2 of the letter is a question that I asked:

“Why did the case collapse and what can be done now?”

The answer comes back from the Indian authorities that the police have now confirmed that the case is closed. How can it be closed if Mrs Kaur has been murdered and we have two people who admit to the murder? We are told that the case has collapsed. If it has collapsed, the authorities should reopen the inquiry and try to find out who committed the murder, but in this case the Indian authorities are saying, “Sorry—case closed”. That causes me real concern.

I say this to the Minister. We have so many people, including expat nationals, who travel to India and want to be safe. India is a booming economy, but it also has a moral and ethical obligation for the safety of our constituents. Look at the case to which I am referring. If individuals who have accepted that they committed murder are walking away from a court, that leads me—and, indeed, any reasonable person—to come to the following conclusions. The legal system is defunct and illogical; the investigation is incompetent; there are corrupt practices; or there is a combination of all three.

I urge the Indian authorities to reopen this case. They say that the case has collapsed. In any civilised legal system, if a case has collapsed, the authorities reopen it to get the people who have committed murder. In this case, that is even more imperative because the two individuals had previously pleaded guilty to the horrific murder of Mrs Kaur.

The authorities need to carry out an independent and thorough inquiry, so that my constituent and his family can get the one thing that they want—justice for their mother. They want nothing but justice for their mother. I urge the Foreign Office to make the strongest possible representations to the Indian authorities to reopen the case and ensure that those who carried out this horrific murder are brought to justice.

I again pay tribute to the work that the Minister has done and how he dealt with the family. I pay tribute to the work done by the consular staff and all the others involved, including the family liaison officers from Kent police in my constituency who worked with the family. But despite all that, what this comes down to is the will of the Indian authorities. In this case, it is clear that there is no will. If they want the Indian legal system to be taken seriously, they must reopen the inquiry and bring the people responsible to account.

--- Later in debate ---

[Mr Browne]

I will come to that point later in my speech. Although it is an important intervention, the House and the wider public must understand the limitations that we in the Foreign Office face in our jurisdiction and our staffing and budgetary restraints. Literally millions of British people travel abroad every year, and we provide a service that is as good and as comprehensive as we can within the constraints that exist.

I was talking about the role of the sovereign Government—in this case, the Indian Government—in investigating a case. We recommend to the families involved that it is imperative to retain the services of a local lawyer at the earliest opportunity. That lawyer will be best placed to advise the family on how best to proceed within the existing local legal framework and to address any concerns the family may have about any aspect of the investigation. To that end, each British embassy, high commission or consulate maintains a list of English-speaking local lawyers, to which consular officials will refer family members. However, we do not claim to have an expert knowledge of the legal system of every country in which we operate.

[Rehman Chishti]

Just to clarify the point about not knowing the exact legal systems of the country, does the Minister agree that in any jurisdiction anywhere in the world common sense would dictate that, if someone pleads guilty to murder and it is an agreed fact, that person should be sentenced rather than walk free from court?

[Mr Browne]

Perhaps I should not be drawn on that specific case. All the cases that have been raised both inside and outside this debate suggest that the Indian justice system is failing to provide satisfactory justice to a number of citizens and that must surely give the Indian authorities cause for reflection.

Syria and Lebanon

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Wednesday 7th March 2012 Westminster Hall

[Mr Andrew Love (Edmonton) (Lab/Co-op)]

In January I joined a parliamentary delegation to Lebanon, organised by the Council for Arab-British Understanding, which included my hon. Friend the Member for Manchester Central (Tony Lloyd) and the hon. Member for Gloucester (Richard Graham). We set out to examine the effect of the Syrian crisis on Lebanon, to meet with Syrians, including opposition representatives and refugees, in particular in the border areas, and to speak with Lebanese politicians about their perspective on the crisis.

Lebanon and Syria are two countries whose geography was once one, whose history is shared, whose ethnic and sectarian make-up is similar and whose economies are intertwined. Lebanon’s sole functioning land border is with Syria, from where it gets many of its food imports, while Syria depends on Lebanon for banking and financial services. Lebanon is possibly the most affected of the neighbouring countries by the crisis inside Syria and is an example of why that crisis, in contrast to the Libya situation perhaps, is so dangerous to the border region.

The impact of the crisis is felt in many ways, at security, political, economic, confessional and ethnic levels, each of which I shall touch on briefly. On security, Syria presents a serious risk to Lebanon. I will come on to refugees later, but their numbers, which are increasing at present, will undoubtedly affect the sectarian and political balance in Lebanon. Even before the crisis, an estimated 300,000 Syrian workers were in Lebanon, all with families inside Syria. Many Syrian opposition activists, some of whom we met, are active from within Lebanon. Many told us that it was and is unsafe for them in Beirut, where they feel monitored by supporters of the Syrian regime.

We visited Tripoli, and sectarian clashes were clearly a possibility, especially along the fault line between the Sunni and Alawi areas—sadly, subsequently, three deaths resulted in February. The security situation has not been helped by Syrian interference in Lebanon; there has been a series of kidnappings in the Bekaa valley in recent weeks, as a result of the security vacuum in the border area, some apparently for money but others clearly political. I ask the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, the hon. Member for North West Norfolk (Mr Bellingham), what representations the British Government have made to the Lebanese Government about their responsibilities towards Syrians living in Lebanon. In Lebanon, we heard many unsubstantiated accusations of al-Qaeda activity in the Bekaa valley, but many Lebanese to whom we spoke were dubious. Has the Minister received reports of such activity, and what is his assessment of what is happening in the Bekaa valley?

Politically, Lebanese politics is polarised into two groups, those who support Assad and those who do not, referred to as the coalitions of 8 March and of 14 March. Hezbollah is the most powerful force in Lebanon and remains supportive of Assad. Critical questions that everyone was asking when we were in Lebanon were about how strong that support is and what Hezbollah’s position would be as and when the crisis in Syria deepens. I ask the Minister whether the Government will sanction discussions with the 8 March parliamentary bloc about the Syria crisis. It is important for us to persuade that group of the advantages to Lebanon of not becoming directly involved in the internal affairs of its neighbour.

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on securing the debate on this important issue. On the position of Syrians in Lebanon, there is an assertion that, predominantly, the security forces in Lebanon are very much unsympathetic to those opposing the Assad regime. Did he see evidence of that?

[Mr Love]

The picture is, indeed, complex. Broadly speaking, the 14 March coalition is opposed to Assad and 8 March is broadly sympathetic. Clearly, Hezbollah has strong connections with the Assad regime and, if we are to take its views at face value, it places a great deal of importance on maintaining that regime, but we heard conflicting views about who was standing where exactly. As the situation in Syria deteriorates, we are yet to see what will happen in Lebanon, and that is one of the issues that I am raising in the debate. Does the Minister agree, if I may put it this way, that there are all the ingredients for potential civil conflict and tension within Lebanon, the tragic history of which we all know?

On minorities, there are almost 300,000 registered Palestinian refugees, living mainly in 12 UN refugee camps and some 20 unofficial camps. We visited two camps during our visit to Lebanon, and it became painfully clear that the Syria crisis has polarised opinion in an already difficult situation, so the Syrian problems are not helping the future of the Palestinian people living in Lebanon. There is also minority solidarity; Lebanese Alawis are of course concerned about the fate of their Syrian counterparts, as are the Druze, the Sunnis and the Christians. Recently, even the Maronite patriarch was moved to support the Assad regime, claiming—I have to say, somewhat ludicrously—that it was the most democratic Government in the region. Similarly in Turkey, the Turkish authorities fear the effect of the Syrian crisis on their Arab Alawi population and their Kurdish community.

The two countries are somewhat dependent economically. Sanctions are hitting Lebanon as well as Syria, and tourism is down. Many of the communities that we visited close to the border were dependent on smuggling, and those communities are suffering the substantial additional burden of hosting the refugees. Does the Minister agree that the international community should look at how to assist Lebanon in handling the economic impact of the crisis in Syria?

The most important consideration is the refugees. The UN is reporting that, following the crisis in Homs and the shelling of other areas in Syria close to the Lebanese border, between 1,000 and 2,000 refugees are trying to cross the border. That is in addition to the some 7,000 refugees already registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the north and the many thousands unregistered in Lebanon; the UN estimates that around 1,500 vulnerable Syrian refugees are in southern Beirut. The total number of refugees, according to the UNHCR, now exceeds 15,000 and is growing fast. According to Save the Children, about one quarter of those refugees are children under the age of four.

We visited Tripoli and Wadi Khaled, close to the border, where refugees were being hosted. Their stories confirmed the litany of horrors that we have all heard concerning the events in Syria and in Homs in particular. There were no refugee camps, and people were surviving in abandoned homes and other buildings, frequently with no heating and inadequate shelter. They were dependent on Lebanese families, some of whom were relatives, who were already incredibly deprived, and had lost out due to the absence of cross-border trade.

The Red Cross told us that it could cope with perhaps another 2,000 refugees before pressing the panic button. That was in January, and during the two months since then that figure has been overtaken. Many of the refugees were entering Lebanon via the Bekaa valley, a Hezbollah-controlled, Shia-dominated area. That was, and is creating tensions. All the refugees were fearful of the Lebanese security forces, and many were too scared to register with the UN, fearing that their details would be shared with the Lebanese authorities.

The UNHCR was operating in far from perfect conditions regarding the status of the Syrian refugees. Under international law, they are clearly refugees, and deserve all the rights and protections that go with that status. However, Lebanon has always been deeply sensitive about refugees, and prefers to refer to them as Syrians fleeing the unrest. The Lebanese Government would not recognise them, nor grant them their legitimate rights; for example, they have not issued them with refugee IDs. As a result, they cannot leave the border areas. Our understanding from the UNHCR is that immediate additional funding is needed to cope with the crisis. What assistance is the UK providing to UNHCR? Will the Minister consider providing further assistance as a matter of urgency to help with the looming crisis in that country?

What did the Minister make of the recent comments by the Lebanese President that the influx of some Syrian families into Lebanon as a result of the turbulence does not constitute a major problem because they can “stay with their relatives”? He continued:

“We are treating the Syrians who fled as families, as relatives and not as refugees.”

Do the Government accept that they are genuine refugees? What discussions have there been with the Lebanese authorities on their responsibilities to recognise and protect refugees, and accord them their full rights under international law? What plans have the Government made with their international partners about the possibility of a humanitarian disaster in Syria if the economy there crashes, the security situation deteriorates even further, and the regime falls, which is a real possibility, leaving chaos in its wake? Have the Government discussed contingency plans with their Lebanese counterparts? In particular, has the Minister raised the issue of humanitarian access from Syria to Lebanon? What support can the EU and the UK give to the UNHCR to meet its needs should that happen?

The situation in Syria is critical and deteriorating, and that is having a significant impact on Lebanon. I hope that the Minister will be able to assure the House that the Government are not only monitoring the situation in that country, but are ready to take action to support those in need at the present time.

--- Later in debate ---

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mr Henry Bellingham)]

I congratulate the hon. Member for Edmonton (Mr Love) on securing an Adjournment debate on this important subject. He is extremely knowledgeable and experienced. As he explained, Syria and Lebanon have an intertwined history, and what happens in each affects the other. The Assad regime has long played an unhelpful role in Lebanon. In addition to ensuring a peaceful transition in Syria and ending the atrocities there as soon as possible, an important priority of this Government is to ensure that stability in Lebanon is not another victim of Assad’s repression.

Let me first address what is happening in Syria, and what we are doing about it. 15 March will mark the passing of the first anniversary of the Syrian regime’s sustained and brutal violence against its own people. In the last year, the UN has estimated that more than 7,500 people, including 380 children, have been killed. As the hon. Members for Edmonton and for Manchester Central (Tony Lloyd) said, the suffering is appalling, and the suffering of so many children is atrocious.

As well as the large number of people who have been killed, the Syrian regime is engaging in an horrific campaign of repression through widespread and systematic human rights violations, including the torture and rape of men, women and children. In recent days, much of the focus has been on Homs, where the Syrian regime has conducted a campaign of indiscriminate shelling and violence against the civilian population. Reports from Paul Conroy and other brave journalists demonstrate the appalling human suffering inflicted by the regime. The Syrian Government must bring an immediate end to violence across the whole of Syria, in Homs, Hama, Damascus, Deraa and elsewhere.

[Rehman Chishti]

The Minister will know that the European Union imposed crippling sanctions on the Assad regime in order to stop the killing and repression. Is he concerned that to a certain extent Syria has been able to wriggle out of those sanctions by working with banks and financial institutions in Lebanon?

[Mr Bellingham]

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising that, and I shall cover it in some detail in a moment. As I understand it, 114 individuals and 39 entities are now subjected to asset freezes and travel bans. The latest round of sanctions, which was agreed at the end of February, included freezing the assets of the Central Bank of Syria and restricting the regime’s access to the gold and precious metal markets. We will look into my hon. Friend’s point about Lebanon and Lebanese banks that may also operate in Syria, and I will make sure that I write to him about that.

We are gravely concerned about the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Syria, and the actions of the regime are making it incredibly difficult for humanitarian agencies to respond. The UK is doing all it can to address the humanitarian situation in that challenging context. We are providing funding, as well as stepping up political pressure on the Syrian Government to allow unimpeded access to the UN and aid agencies, a full assessment of civilian needs, and the delivery of vital relief goods to all those affected by violence.

We fully support the UN emergency relief co-ordinator, Baroness Amos, in her plans to visit Syria to negotiate for humanitarian access and gain a better assessment of needs on the ground. I was fortunate enough to meet Baroness Amos last Monday in New York. She is now in Syria and we urge the Syrian Government to allow her full access to travel safely and freely in the region.

President Assad continues to exert brutal military force against his own people, and he is responsible for the appalling situation in Syria. We believe that he has lost legitimacy and can no longer claim to lead his country. As the Government have repeatedly made clear, he should step aside in the best interests of Syria and the unity of its people.

It is vital that those committing these awful crimes are held accountable for their actions. We have sent experts to the region to help gather and document evidence of human rights violations and abuses, and they will work closely with UN agencies, NGOs and other key organisations. The UK fully supports the Arab League’s efforts to end the violence in Syria and its plan for a Syrian-led political solution to the crisis. The establishment of a Friends of Syria group of over 60 countries is a further important step towards putting in place a political plan that addresses the concerns of all Syrians, regardless of their religion or ethnicity. We also welcome the appointment of former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan as the joint special envoy of the UN and the Arab League on the Syrian crisis. The UK extends to him its full support, and stands ready to provide assistance to his team in its vital work to bring an end to the violence in Syria.

In the EU, the UK has been at the forefront of delivering 12 rounds of sanctions targeted on those supporting or benefiting from the regime, and those associated with them. I will not repeat what I said to my hon. Friend the Member for Gillingham and Rainham (Rehman Chishti), but we have made a start on restrictive measures, and it may be that further such measures will be required.

Hazara People (Quetta)

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Thursday 1st March 2012 Commons Chamber

[Alan Johnson]

The hon. Gentleman is right. I have huge respect for the country—I went to Pakistan when I was a Minister—and for the high commissioner, but I believe that that is the key point about the Hazara community: there is no sign of any of the perpetrators being brought to justice, and it is not simply the case that they are being held but the prosecuting authorities are not being successful. That is one of the major issues in this debate and the hon. Gentleman is right to draw attention to it.

The response of the authorities in Balochistan has been to restrict the movement of the Hazaras themselves—to forbid them entering certain districts and to apply travel restrictions—and to treat the murders with a mixture of complacency and complicity. Last September/October almost 50 Hazaras were taken from buses and wagons in separate incidents, lined up and killed. The Chief Minister of Balochistan responded with levity, saying in a television interview that he would send a truckload of tissue paper to the bereaved families. That is the kind of atmosphere in which the Hazaras are living. The authorities know that the Hazaras are a target for terrorist groups and that an al-Qaeda affiliate is seeking to make Pakistan, in their words, Hazaras' graveyard. They state that their mission is to eliminate “this impure sect” and people

“from every city, every village…and corner of Pakistan.”

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for giving way. By way of declaration, Mr Deputy Speaker, I worked with Benazir Bhutto from 1999 to 2007. On the point about the Hazara community being affected, does the right hon. Gentleman agree that it is not the only community being affected? The Christian, Muslim, Sikh and Hindu communities are also suffering as a result of Pakistan’s having been a front-line state in the war against Russia and then in the war against al-Qaeda after 9/11. As a result, radicalisation and sectarian violence have spread from Afghanistan to Pakistan, leading to the murders of Benazir Bhutto and Shahbaz Bhatti, the Christian Minister. Of course I understand the right hon. Gentleman’s concern, but everyone has suffered as a result of the sectarian ethnic violence spreading from Afghanistan to Pakistan, not just the Hazara people.

[Alan Johnson]

I do accept that point; indeed, the high commissioner for Pakistan made the same point when he contacted me today about this debate. I shall say some things later about the difficulties that Pakistan is facing, but that must not detract from the fact that these killings are taking place on a daily basis. The authorities seem remarkably complacent about it and not a single perpetrator has been brought to justice.

While the movement of Hazaras is restricted, their pursuers walk freely in the city despite the heavy presence of the police, the army and the frontier corps who all have checkpoints in and around Quetta. The reason for that persecution is not just the Hazaras’ religion—they are predominantly Shi'a Muslims—but their genetic link to the Mongol people, which allows them to be recognised by their physical appearance. Hazaras are also persecuted because have pursued higher education, enrolled in the army and occupied senior positions in government, the civil service and civic society more generally. They are the kind of law-abiding citizen who would play an important role in a free, democratic Afghanistan and a peaceful and prosperous Pakistan. Thus, they are the enemies of a whole range of terrorist groups.

The persecution—some would say genocide—carried out against the Hazaras has been well documented by the United Nations, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and organisations such as the New York-based monitoring body Human Rights Watch. However, there is insufficient awareness nationally and internationally about what the Hazaras are going through, despite the best efforts of the Hazara community and organisations such as the Hazara Organisation for Progress and Equality, or HOPE, which seeks to raise these issues in Parliaments around the world.

The attacks are intensifying. Hazaras are murdered when they stay in Quetta and killed when they try to leave. Fifty five young Hazaras were drowned in the waters of Indonesia on 20 December when trying to escape their perilous existence. The Hazaras believe that the religious militant groups carrying out these killings are state sponsored, and there is evidence for that assertion. The Asian Human Rights Commission reported on 6 January that the Pakistan army had created a militant organisation to kill intellectuals, activists and Hazaras in Balochistan. I have seen a copy of an official letter from the Government of Balochistan informing the military authorities and the police in Quetta about the presence of a man called Sabir Mehsood, whose stated aim was to murder Hazaras, but no action was taken to apprehend him. Thus, more than 80 Hazaras were killed in Quetta by this man and his fellow operatives last year.

The international community cannot allow this persecution to continue. There are significant Hazara populations in countries around the world, particularly in Australia, and these countries should co-ordinate and intensify their efforts. I know that the Minister is fully engaged in trying to pressurise the Pakistani authorities to protect the Hazara community in Quetta, and I know that the Foreign Secretary is equally committed.

Pakistan is an old, valued and trusted ally of the United Kingdom and is seeking to renew its democratic credentials after years of military rule. It is a country beset by problems, and its citizens have suffered at the hands of terrorists more than any other country in the world, as the hon. Member for Gillingham and Rainham (Rehman Chishti) pointed out. However, the Pakistani Government must do more to root out state-supported terrorism wherever it exists. It undoubtedly exists in Quetta city, and the Hazaras are its principal victims. It is a good place to begin this process.

--- Later in debate ---

[Iain Stewart]

I am happy to endorse that point. My hon. Friend the Member for Milton Keynes North has already met a delegation from the community and the Minister. They are deeply concerned, as the hon. Lady implied, about the plight of their relatives and the broader community in Pakistan, amid what are daily reports of killings and persecution.

As the right hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull West and Hessle said, there are concerns that these attacks are not being dealt with appropriately by the authorities in Pakistan. I join him in imploring the Minister to do all he can to influence the situation. Just a few weeks ago, we all commemorated world holocaust memorial day. The campaign this year was, “Speak up, Speak out”, and was aimed at challenging persecution and hatred wherever it existed in the world. This we must do for the Hazara people. I look forward to hearing what steps the Government are taking to address the situation.

[Rehman Chishti]

Will my hon. Friend give way?

[Iain Stewart]

I was about to finish, but I will certainly give way.

[Rehman Chishti]

Linked to the Hazara community, the other community that has suffered a lot as a result of radicalisation is the Christian community in Pakistan. We must do everything that we can to ensure that it gets its full rights as well. Will he join me in paying tribute to Bishop Michael Nazir-Ali, the former Bishop of Rochester, who is from Pakistan and has done a lot on community cohesion and dialogue between all faiths?

[Iain Stewart]

I am happy to do that. I was at the end of my comments, so on that note, I shall conclude.

Syria

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Monday 6th February 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hague]

Like my hon. Friend, I welcome the fact that India voted for the resolution. It is true that several countries on the Security Council wanted a resolution that did not go beyond the draft resolution as it was put to the vote on Saturday. Certainly, India is one country that would not have wanted a stronger resolution with the authorisation of sanctions or other measures. I stress that the prime negotiations in the Security Council were always with Russia. The objections raised and amendments put forward came from Russia primarily, rather than from India, South Africa or Pakistan.

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

I welcome the statement by the Foreign Secretary. He will know that there are more than 30 opposition parties in Syria, including the National Council, the National Co-ordination Committee, the Justice party and the Kurdish party. The work to unite them has been going on for a long time. How close are we to uniting them? Unless the opposition are united, the future for Syria looks bleak.

[Mr Hague]

The answer is that many of those groups have come together under the umbrella of the Syrian National Council. It is in their own interests for all the major groupings to come together under that umbrella. This is a national emergency. As I have put it to them, in this country, which is a thriving democracy, when we face an existential threat, all the parties come together, as with the coalition during the second world war. Syria faces one of the direst emergencies in its history, so they should all be able to come together for this period. We will continue to give that advice, but they have not all managed it yet.

Foreign Policy (Soft Power)

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Wednesday 1st February 2012 Westminster Hall

[John Glen (Salisbury) (Con)]

May I say what a pleasure it is to serve under your chairmanship for the first time, Mr Bone? I declare an interest as secretary of the all-party group on the British Council and as a governor of the Westminster Foundation for Democracy.

The purpose of calling this debate is to focus on the role of soft power in British foreign policy and how it is to be used in defining country strategies. Over the past decade, Governments have become increasingly aware of the importance of soft power. I define that as the power to attract and co-opt alongside the hard power of traditional military and economic means of achieving foreign policy objectives. There is a growing acceptance that soft power is an important component of foreign policy and should be seen as a complement to rather than a substitute for hard power.

I want to talk about how there can be better integration between the different elements of hard and soft power. My impression is that, although different institutions work effectively on their own, they could deliver a lot more if they actively collaborated on a systematic basis in all countries where they operate.

I want to share some examples of Britain’s soft power assets, and then examine the need for the development of a co-ordinated vision for our foreign policy by addressing some of the practical realities and questions that surround putting that into practice. It is important to recognise at the outset that, compared with many countries, Britain has an immensely rich set of soft power institutions, resources and tools. In 2010, we were ranked joint first in the Institution for Government soft power index. In 2011, we were placed second, behind the USA. Soft power institutions, such as the British Council, the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, Voluntary Service Overseas, the Commonwealth Foundation and the BBC World Service perform a valuable role in developing trusting relationships with overseas countries.

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this important debate. On soft policy and achieving our foreign policy objectives, does he agree that a fundamental part of winning over people’s hearts and minds, as we have seen in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria and Libya, has been the work of the BBC World Service in communicating that we have a lot more that unites us than divides us?

[John Glen]

Absolutely. I will come on to speak about the World Service in a moment. All those assets deploy so much of what is great about this country: the English language, arts, education, and the values of civil society and democracy.

I pay tribute to the work—since, I think, 1934—of the British Council. It now works on the ground in more than 100 countries, particularly in strategic areas such as the middle east, north Africa and in emerging economies. It may be helpful to know that last year it provided more than 1.3 million hours of English language teaching, supporting 5 million English teachers across the world. It now uses digital broadcasting to reach 100 million students. In addition, it provides exams and qualifications, and links UK primary and secondary schools, universities and arts bodies with overseas institutions in long-term beneficial partnerships. Despite taking a 26% budget cut in this comprehensive spending review period, it has a clear resolve to continue its core work by continuing to win competitive education and development contracts.

As my hon. Friend mentioned, the BBC World Service also makes a massive and effective contribution to the development of the UK’s relationships abroad. It reaches 166 million people every week—through radio, television and the internet—in 27 languages, as well as English. Unlike the state-sponsored media of many of the countries in which it operates, its editorial independence ensures impartiality and objectivity. It is that professionalism and impartiality that generate trust and credibility overseas. The audience of BBC Arabic TV increased by more than 80% in recent months, including an increase in the online audience of 300% during the height of the Egyptian protests—clearly, it is a very powerful tool. Recent changes in funding streams and organisation will allow the World Service to work more closely with the domestic BBC, benefiting both the UK and other countries.

The Westminster Foundation for Democracy engages with political parties across the world. That work involves—I have done some of it—training party officials to develop their capacity to create policy, to campaign and to fulfil effectively their function as Government or Opposition parties in emerging democracies. That work builds up democratic institutions and understanding. It also generates long-term trusting relationships between those countries and the UK, and the individuals in those Governments and the UK. All these institutions leave a legacy and impact on the individuals who encounter them and inevitably lead many to develop a natural empathy, respect and affinity for our country.

As I suggested at the outset, given all that these institutions do, there is a need better to co-ordinate their work into an holistic vision for our foreign policy. We have to recognise—this is my experience of being a member of the Defence Committee and working for WFD—that different Departments and institutions naturally have varying perspectives on foreign policy and the status of our relationships with countries across the world. That includes the Department for International Development, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Ministry of Defence, as well as soft power institutions such as the British Council and the BBC World Service. For example, the primary objective of DFID focuses on poverty and long-term development goals, but that might not always align with the immediate demands of a military intervention to secure a strategic objective for British foreign policy.

[Rehman Chishti]

My hon. Friend talks about the work of DFID, one aspect of which is education and its link to our foreign policy. We gave Pakistan £650 million for education to provide people with opportunity, aspiration and a life away from sectarian violence. That has implications for our own security—the training camps in Afghanistan and Pakistan were linked to the terrorist attacks in London in 2005. DFID’s work on soft power foreign policy—giving people hope, opportunity and aspiration through education—provides a diversion from sectarian, ethnic terrorist tendencies.

[John Glen]

I am not in any way seeking to criticise any individual player; my core argument this afternoon is about the co-ordination between those contrasting perspectives. When I went to Islamabad last autumn, DFID’s massive contribution was very clear.

Any one of these perspectives—development, diplomacy, military or culture—need not displace the others. Rather than picking one, or one being the lead, the challenge is skilfully to harmonise and develop a single, shared vision for our foreign policy. My experience in Afghanistan—in the DFID compound and then talking to people from the FCO and various military leaders—was that they all had a different perspective. What seemed to be lacking sometimes was a desire to integrate fully different views. If one had a clear development goal, it was very easy to find that goal in conflict with a military objective. Rather than seeing those different views as a barrier, the Government need to work systematically to synthesise those complementary perspectives and refine overall policy definition.

There are some excellent examples of where that already works in practice. The stabilisation unit, which is owned jointly by DFID, the FCO and the MOD, brings together expertise from those Departments with police and military personnel. It despatches task forces to conflict-stricken areas—for example, Afghanistan—to develop political processes, reduce conflict and violence, and provide a basis for future development. It remains unclear why the unit should be taken out of Afghanistan at the end of 2014.

The challenge to achieve the systematic co-ordination of different departmental perspectives on a large scale is compelling. We must identify different perspectives where they exist across Government. That will mean undertaking the difficult task of recognising where a departmental mindset is preventing co-ordination and collaboration with another Department’s activities, perhaps between the FCO and DFID. No doubt some Departments and organisations will need to make compromises to agree a comprehensive strategy for the greater good of diplomatic and long-term relations in a region or country.

It is also desirable to aim for a closer working relationship between soft power organisations and the Ministry of Defence. As the ongoing work of the British Council in Libya has shown, soft power institutions can build relationships of trust ahead of and after military intervention in a country. If that approach can be developed in respect of future military interventions, it could ease the work of the armed forces, particularly when working alongside civilians. Working with soft power institutions and making use of diverse expertise could aid the MOD in defining viable exit strategies, rather than just asserting that those will exist. The institutions that I have mentioned have a more nuanced understanding of cultural barriers and attitudes of populations on the ground and can probably more reliably estimate what will be achievable by military means.

We need to recognise that Foreign Office diplomats, wonderful though they are, are not the only actors in British diplomacy. Although diplomats achieve much for British trade and political understanding, arm’s length bodies, such as the WFD, working to build civil society and government infrastructures and developing strong relationships with emerging political parties, do much to develop trust and credibility where Britain’s historic ties are less strong or apparent.

Our diplomacy must allow soft power institutions to play a more significant role in maintaining mutually beneficial, positive relationships throughout the world. As I have emphasised, the key challenge is overcoming ingrained departmental mindsets and historic positions to harness the complementary perspectives and resources of an increasing range of diverse institutions, especially arm’s length soft power organisations.

We must put in place effective leadership, accountability and co-ordinating procedures throughout our institutions to enable what I am arguing for to work properly, and to define a sophisticated foreign policy strategy that serves the interests of the UK optimally across the globe. That will mean determined effort from Ministers and senior civil servants to put vested interests aside, and the instincts of the budget holder being left at the door as each Department recognises that others have something meaningful to contribute. It will also mean having difficult but vital discussions about our vision and objectives with individuals who may have a different starting point at the outset.

It is only through a determined approach of that type that the UK can maintain its unique standing in the world and make best use of these enormously powerful resources and assets that our great country possesses.

EU Sanctions (Iran)

Rehman Chishti Excerpts

Tuesday 24th January 2012 Commons Chamber

[Mr Hague]

My hon. Friend can gather that it is indeed a red line issue; that is why we are addressing it in this way. The Prime Minister, along with other European leaders—Chancellor Merkel and President Sarkozy—has said that we will not permit the development of a nuclear capability by Iran. That is why we are adopting this policy.

[Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con)]

To counter the threat from Iran, what steps are we taking to strengthen our strategic relationship with key regional powers such as Saudi Arabia? By way of a declaration, let me say that I am vice-chairman of the all-party parliamentary group on Saudi Arabia.

[Mr Hague]

We have strong relations with the Gulf states, many of which we have intensified over the past year, particularly our relationship with the United Arab Emirates, although we enjoy excellent relations with all those states. My hon. Friend will know about our long and historic relationship with Oman, and about the many difficulties faced in Bahrain, including by the people of Bahrain over the past year. My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister visited Saudi Arabia earlier this month. Saudi Arabia is an important ally and an important force for stability and peace in the region, so I salute my hon. Friend’s work with the all-party group.