Health Service Medical Supplies (Costs) Bill

Lord Young of Norwood Green Excerpts

Committee: 2nd sitting (Hansard): House of Lords
Wednesday 25th January 2017 Grand Committee

[Baroness Walmsley (LD)]

My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Warner, is right that we need to have a trigger mechanism. This is gold-plating, and not very effective gold-plating. As the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, just said, it will produce an absolute mass of information. The question is how to find, among that mass of information, situations where there is malpractice, abuse or unwarranted price rises. It is the same sort of argument as we had when the police wanted to collect everybody’s internet information. Really, it is like looking for a needle in a haystack. It is much better to have it targeted, where there is a reason to believe that there is something going on.

How will the department identify from this mass of information those situations that it needs to investigate further? Will it apply some sort of algorithm to the information at any point along the production or distribution line when there is an increase of more than a certain percentage or a certain percentage related to the average—or what? How is it going to be done? These companies have quite enough to tackle with Brexit coming along the track and do not need a further burden such as this.

[Lord Young of Norwood Green (Lab)]

I am not an expert in this area, but I am puzzled. If it is that difficult to identify, how come the Times managed it in its expose? It did not seem very difficult or complex. The Times found drugs that had come out of patent and were available on a generic basis and for which the company that bought the patent increased the cost by staggering amounts. You do not have to be Sherlock Holmes to alight upon that. I do not know which way to go on this debate. My noble friend worries about fishing expeditions, and he is right, but I am even more worried about the NHS being ripped off for inordinate amounts of money by people whose corporate responsibility polices omit the word “ethics”. I asked once before why none of the current audit processes inside the health service exposed this until the Times brought it to public attention. There may be a mass of information, but I would have thought that these things could quite easily be identified. I may be wrong because, as I said, I am not an expert in this very complex area, but those points need to be answered. The problem was identified. We have this Bill because we know that the current system is not working. Even though people in the various systems in the NHS were reporting their concerns, no action was taken for quite a long time. It certainly justifies the legislation. The Delegated Powers Committee expressed its concerns about whether the legislation is right, and I do not profess to be qualified to rule on that, but my major concern is about the ability of some companies to rip off the NHS.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath]

My Lords, my noble friend is right because he goes to the heart of the argument about this Bill. I think we have all said that we support the core aim, which is to deal with branded products becoming generics and the issues that were identified. The question is whether the Bill is a proportionate response to that and what impact it will have on future investment in this country.

I have been wracking my brains to puzzle out why this was first legislated for in 1977. My noble friend will remember that that was the time of the prices and incomes policy. Lady Williams of Crosby and my esteemed noble friend Lord Hattersley were Secretaries of State for Prices and Consumer Protection. I would not be at all surprised if it had something to do with that. I have to say that it was not altogether successful as a policy, and I am not sure that it is a great precedent for the Minister to rely on now. Certainly, in 1979 the electorate did not think that it was a very successful policy, that is for sure.

The only point I want to put to the Minister is this: I think there is a consensus in the Committee that there needs to be some trigger mechanism. We have had elements of that. The noble Lord, Lord Lansley, proposed an amendment that included appeals. He suggested what would trigger action, which was very helpful. In his amendment, my noble friend suggested another approach. The Delegated Powers Committee is concerned about the general terms of this clause. It said:

“We consider the general power to be inappropriate unless the Minister is able to explain why it is not feasible to specify the further bodies to whom information may be disclosed on the face of the Bill, and why it is not feasible to limit the kinds of bodies to whom disclosure may be made”.


That picks up the point raised by the noble Lord, Lord Lansley, and I agree with him about NHS bodies,

The question is this. The only satisfactory safeguards will be in the Bill. This House has no influence on regulations. The Minister will know that only six or seven statutory instruments have ever been defeated, so regulations in themselves provide very little safeguard. This is our only opportunity to provide safeguards in the Bill. Essentially, the choice for us is to press on with amendments at Report or to come to some agreement with the Government about what is appropriate. That we need something in the Bill is not in doubt.