British Steel

Debate between Lord Leong and Lord Redwood

Monday 20th July 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Leong (Lab)]

My Lords, the Government’s current view is that, given British Steel’s history of loss-making and its poor financial position, the commercial value of the business today is nil. However, compensation will not be decided by ministerial assertion. Regulations will be laid in the autumn to appoint an independent third-party valuer. That valuer will assess what compensation, if any, is owed and the Government will abide by that process.

[Lord Redwood (Con)]

On nationalisation, have the Government also taken responsibility for the historical debts and borrowings, pre-spring 2025, that the company incurred under Chinese owners? That is a very large historical debt that we should not have to share.

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[Lord Leong (Lab)]

My Lords, the Government recognise that some specialist grades of steel used in precision engineering, aerospace, defence and advanced manufacturing are not currently produced in the UK, or are not produced in the required quantity or to the required specification. The steel strategy aims to increase the proportion of UK demand met domestically, including for specialist needs, as my noble friend mentioned. British Steel’s new board will need to consider how the company supports a wider industrial strategy and the needs of downstream manufacturers.

[Lord Redwood (Con)]

Can I confirm that the Minister said yes when I asked whether the state is taking responsibility for all the historical debts and borrowings?

[Lord Leong (Lab)]

My Lords, I said in my previous answer that we will abide by the independent valuer’s final valuation.

Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill

Debate between Lord Leong and Lord Redwood

Report stage
Wednesday 8th July 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Redwood (Con)]

My Lords, I support my noble friends on the issue of the affirmative resolution. I think it is a superior device, given the importance of the matters that could be brought before us. I also fully support the idea of a proper impact assessment, which should of course include the impact on Northern Ireland, which may well be different because of the Windsor Framework—an arrangement which, in another life, I opposed very strongly.

[Lord Leong (Lab)]

My Lords, I thank all noble Lords for their contributions and for ensuring the ongoing scrutiny of any steel undertaking that is subject to the use of the powers in the Bill. Before turning to the amendments tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Fox, I will reflect on conversations I have had with noble Lords from across the House in recent weeks as we have sought to secure agreement on the drafting of the Bill.

The noble Lords, Lord Sharpe, Lord Hunt and Lord Fox, have provided detailed feedback on and suggestions for how parliamentary scrutiny can and should continue following any acquisition. Following consideration of their feedback, I am pleased to confirm the following government commitments, which reflect the importance of transparency and parliamentary scrutiny.

I confirm that a debate will take place in both Houses on the steel strategy and the impact of the Bill, within 12 months after Royal Assent. Alongside this, the Secretary of State will lay a quarterly Written Ministerial Statement for at least the first year that a steel undertaking is in public ownership, reverting to a slower rate after that. Where a Minister considers it appropriate, the Written Ministerial Statement may provide an update on jobs, communities and other issues; I will detail this further in subsequent groups. As I have already set out, the Government will lay a Written Ministerial Statement following the acquisition of a company, setting out how the public interest test has been met.

In addition to these commitments on the impact of the Bill, I can confirm that, following any acquisition of a steel company, the company’s new chair would be able to attend a Select Committee to set out their plans for the publicly owned steel undertaking. I hope that that reassures the noble Lord, Lord Redwood. Alongside the chair’s attendance, the Government will write to Select Committees, including the Business and Trade Select Committee, with information following any acquisition, and subsequently on any future plans for any steel undertaking that falls within the scope of the Bill’s powers, and to respond to any specific requests from a Select Committee. I emphasise that it is for the Select Committees to set their agenda. If the Government, or the chair of a nationalised company, are asked to provide information and attend meetings, we will of course do so. These commitments build on the statutory reporting requirement on financial assistance in Clause 59, the company’s annual report and accounts, and the quarterly Written Ministerial Statements, which I have already set out.

Any nationalised steel undertaking would not be exempt from the corporate reporting requirements set out in the Companies Act 2006. This Act contains various reporting requirements that vary depending on the size of the entity. The Government will work closely with the company and, where necessary, if there are any material changes to the company’s circumstances outside the regular reporting cycle, the Government will be able to ask the company to produce an interim report on that particular issue.

Noble Lords have also raised a concern about ensuring that stakeholders are appropriately engaged in decision-making. I will provide further detail on this later, but I emphasise that the Steel Council will continue following the publication of the steel strategy. The council is made up of representatives from across the sector, and they would include a representative from any publicly owned steel company.

In addition to our continued engagement with the sector, I recognise the importance of ensuring that there are opportunities for Parliament to engage with the sector. I therefore confirm that the Government will convene an ad hoc round table on the future of the steel sector six months after Royal Assent. I hope that this series of commitments reassures noble Lords that the Government are committed to ensuring that Parliament can scrutinise any publicly owned steel undertaking where appropriate.

I thank the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, for his continued engagement with the Bill. I reassure him that Minister McDonald, the Minister for Industry, recently met with Minister Price from the Welsh Government, and my officials continue to engage with Welsh Government officials to try to secure a recommendation of legislative consent for agreement on the Bill. I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Wigley, for the discussions on these matters, and I hope to update the House on the outcome of these conversations at Third Reading.

I thank all noble Lords who have taken part in debates on Amendments 12 and 13, and particularly the noble Lords, Lord Sharpe and Lord Hunt, for their constructive engagement with me over the past few weeks. The Government respect the concerns that have been raised. Throughout the passage of the Bill, we have been clear that the Government are committed to as much transparency as possible with regard to the powers in the Bill. We have listened carefully to the cases made during our debates to date and have considered where it may be possible to amend the procedure for the power without harming the Government’s ability to carry out their objective under the Bill.

I am therefore delighted to confirm that the Government will support Amendments 12 and 13, which amend parliamentary procedure for continuity of obligations and enforcement powers. Under these amendments, the power to make regulations in relation to certain aspects of continuity obligations will change from the negative procedure to a draft affirmative procedure unless the Secretary of State considers the made-affirmative procedure necessary, and the power to make regulations on the enforcement of obligations will change from the negative to the made-affirmative procedure respectively. This compromise reflects your Lordships’ House at its best.

I shall address the other amendments in this group. Amendments 8 and 9, tabled by the noble Lords, Lord Sharpe and Lord Hunt, set out the opposition to the parliamentary procedure associated with the exercise of the share and property transfer powers in Clauses 4 and 15 respectively. While I recognise the magnitude of these powers, I must emphasise that any use of the principal transfer of powers would need to be exercised promptly to ensure operational and legal certainty. I cannot overstate the importance of this. In a scenario where the Government chose to use these powers, they would need to be exercised at pace in a commercially sensitive environment. The affirmative procedure would introduce significant delays to the transfer process and create a lack of clarity regarding ownership. This in turn would significantly affect the business, particularly supply chains and third-party contracts. This must be prevented.

Amendment 14 was tabled by the noble Lords, Lord Sharpe and Lord Hunt, and they have indicated their opposition to Clause 50 remaining part of the Bill. I am afraid that I have to disagree unequivocally in this case. I have previously set out that removing the clause would risk undermining the effectiveness of the Bill. The Bill confers powers that interact with the complex area of commercial company and insolvency law in a way that was not anticipated during the drafting of the legislation concerned. There will therefore be some tension in the way that the powers are applied. Clause 50 allows us to smooth over those challenges and avoid any unintended consequences or obstacles to a successful transfer.

I am sympathetic to the fact that it is difficult to justify a power of this nature when its potential use is quite abstract at this stage. By its nature, it is intended to deal with unforeseen circumstances in non-consensual, highly atypical transfer scenarios, and I remind noble Lords that it was necessary in the Banking Act context as well. As an example, the power could be used to modify or disapply certain corporate laws, such as disapplying shareholder voting or approval requirements to prevent any delay to the transfer. That is not to say that we plan to use it in this way but merely to illustrate its potential utility. It is worth repeating that the power can be used only to ensure that the transfer of power can be exercised effectively. It cannot be used outside the context of nationalising a steel undertaking to change or amend other laws. The use of the power will be subject to the draft affirmative procedure except in particular circumstances that justify proceeding on a “made affirmative” basis. I hope that this provides some comfort regarding the issue.

Amendment 5, also tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Fox, would require the Secretary of State to provide quarterly Written Ministerial Statements to Parliament updating on the progress of the nationalised steel undertaking and the broader impact of the Bill. I thank the noble Lord for our discussions on this point, and I recognise the appetite for further parliamentary scrutiny of the approach to a nationalised undertaking. As I have already set out to the House, I can confirm that the Government will commit to provide quarterly Written Ministerial Statements to Parliament for at least the first year of a steel undertaking in public ownership. This reflects the Government’s commitment to ensuring that Parliament is appropriately informed about the progress of any publicly owned steel undertaking.

I turn to Amendment 16, and thank the noble Lord, Lord Fox, for his continued discussions on stakeholder engagement throughout the passage of this Bill. This includes the amendment he has tabled, which would require consultation with the stakeholder advisory committee on whether an intervention was in the public interest before exercising the powers in the Bill. I believe that the noble Lord and I agree that stakeholder engagement is critical to supporting the Government’s vision for the future of the steel industry and to ensuring appropriate scrutiny. As previously mentioned, I am pleased to confirm that we will shortly be inviting the UK Metals Council to join the Steel Council, which will ensure that the views of downstream users can be fed into engagement and discussions.

However, as I previously set out, any decision to exercise the transfer powers would need to be made at significant speed. The amendment would delay the exercise of the transfer powers, creating additional risks to the business viability and ongoing operations and uncertainty over ownership. In addition, there are commercial sensitivities associated with any decision to exercise the transfer powers, making it extremely difficult to consult in advance of a decision. While I cannot accept the amendment tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Fox, I will reflect on the range of ongoing engagement that Ministers and officials from my department undertake with industry and stakeholders.

A notable forum for engagement is the Steel Council, which I have already confirmed will continue following publication of the steel strategy. The council will support the delivery of the strategy by providing evidence and feedback on evolving or emerging policies that affect the sector’s competitiveness, and by providing strategic oversight of the working groups on research and development, investment and skills. Having considered the amendments tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Fox, I can confirm that the Government will convene an ad hoc parliamentary round table on the future of the steel sector six months after Royal Assent. I hope this reassures the House that the Government regard stakeholder engagement as critical to the revitalisation of the steel sector.

The noble Lords, Lord Sharpe and Lord Hunt, have tabled Amendment 40, which would require the Secretary of State to publish an impact assessment of the operation and effect of the Bill within two years of Royal Assent. This is straightforward for me to address. As the Government have already published an impact assessment for the Bill, in line with our Better Regulation Framework requirements, further impacts will be assessed as part of a post-implementation process or review. I reassure noble Lords that if the powers under the Bill are exercised, we will publish further impact assessments to accompany any transfer regulations. Following this, the Government will consider any further impacts in the post-implementation review. As I have already set out, the Government will ensure that a debate on the steel strategy and the impact of the Bill takes place in both the House of Commons and the House of Lords within 12 months of Royal Assent. This reflects our commitment to ensuring that parliamentarians remain well informed about our plans for the steel sector.

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[Lord Redwood (Con)]

My Lords, I too welcome this from the Government. I think they will find it very helpful because, should we move on to the full acquisition of British Steel at Scunthorpe, there remain, as I understand it, financial issues outstanding with the current Chinese owners. It will be very important to have an accurate and full account of all these long, deep-rooted and sometimes very expensive liabilities to provide some counter to what we read in the press is their rather extravagant idea of how much they ought to be paid.

[Lord Leong (Lab)]

I thank all noble Lords for their support. I want to share with noble Lords that the issue of health and safety is definitely a priority. At British Steel there has been a clear improvement in health and safety standards since the introduction of the special measures Act last year. This will remain a central priority going forward. Indeed, since the passage of the Act we have already spent some £8.1 million on essential improvements in this area, so we do take health and safety seriously and it is a priority for the Government.

Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill

Debate between Lord Leong and Lord Redwood

Committee stage
Wednesday 1st July 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Redwood (Con)]

My Lords, I am grateful to the two noble Lords on the Front Bench for setting out this challenge to the Government. When you have a company in loss that is really struggling, there is an absolute requirement for accurate, speedy and regular financial reporting. Many years ago, I was a chairman with a large group of industrial companies reporting to me. I am pleased to say that none of the subsidiaries reported anything like the losses or the cash haemorrhage of British Steel, and we could not have afforded such a thing. I remember that if I or the chief executive saw one of our subsidiaries in danger of going into loss or dipping into bad performance, it would be put on to monthly reporting and quite often weekly reporting. That was not just because we wanted to know the bad news early but because it started a conversation between us, and other senior directors and executives, and the leading executives of the ailing subsidiary around how they could generate more cash and revenue, win more business and reduce costs in the meantime. If there was no immediate prospect of increasing the revenues, they needed to reduce the cash outflow.

My advice to Ministers, who took responsibility for British Steel many months ago, is that they should be seeing that kind of information, because it is now their responsibility. They decided to undertake this action without advice on value for money, so they need to have that sort of detailed information in front of them. They or their representatives also need that informed conversation with the people they have entrusted with running this business to find out why, as I understand it, the numbers are still not going in the right direction. You need that information weekly, and certainly monthly, because these things accumulate. The National Audit Office has led us to believe that the losses in this business have already accumulated to £642 million.

The description that the Government have offered help with working capital is true, but I do not think it is the whole story. As I understand it, there is a massive trading loss, and taxpayers—through Ministers and the Treasury—are having to pay trading losses. That means the Government are both subsidising the customer, who is getting it too cheaply, and paying for costs that the business needs to meet, which the customer is not going to pay for. In addition, the Government may need to provide additional working capital to provide for the work in progress and the stocks and raw materials for the next bit of production. I would regard the loss as a different category from the provision of additional working capital to keep the business running, and I would be much more worried about the loss.

From my business experience with industry, my conclusion is that cash is the king. By all means look at the P&L—that will give you an indication—but a business has to generate more cash than it spends. Otherwise, it goes bankrupt. That is the fundamental discipline that Ministers, through their chosen representatives, need to impose on this business. They need to see the cash line of outflow starting to reduce—otherwise, they need a fundamental rethink of policy.

[Lord Leong (Lab)]

My Lords, I thank all noble Lords for their contributions on this group. I will address each of the issues raised in turn. Amendments 32 and 33, in the names of the noble Lords, Lord Sharpe and Lord Hunt, would impose a cap on the amount of financial assistance the Government could provide under the Bill. Amendment 32 seeks to place a statutory cap of £2.5 billion on financial assistance until 15 August 2029. Amendment 33 would apply a cap on a different basis, relating to the number of employees in a steel undertaking.

Imposing a fixed cap of any kind on financial assistance would risk constraining the Government’s ability to respond effectively to evolving circumstances. It could ultimately undermine the very objectives the Bill is designed to achieve, namely the protection of our domestic capability in a strategically vital sector. The Bill contains proportionate and robust measures to ensure transparency and accountability in the provision of financial assistance. Clause 59 requires the Secretary of State to report to Parliament every 12 months on the use of financial assistance. Furthermore, as I am sure all noble Lords will know, any financial assistance provided by the Government will be subject to the established framework for managing public funds, including HM Treasury approval processes, departmental accounting officer responsibilities, and reporting to Parliament through the usual public spending controls.

Steel Tariffs

Debate between Lord Leong and Lord Redwood

Thursday 18th June 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Leong (Lab)]

I say to the noble Lord that the steel sector is a very important part of our industrial strategy. That is why the Government are taking steps to protect the steel industry. It is not just another commodity; it underpins everything we do, including in the defence, infrastructure, manufacturing and energy sectors. We are intervening to protect our domestic production and we are protecting jobs up and down the country; whether it is in the Midlands or elsewhere, we are doing what is required of a Government to protect jobs.

[Lord Redwood (Con)]

This is a very large increase in costs for steel processors, so what is the Government’s estimate of the job losses and business losses that are sure to follow such a comprehensive, large increase in a major cost to these businesses?

Steel Industry (Nationalisation) Bill

Debate between Lord Leong and Lord Redwood

2nd reading
Tuesday 16th June 2026 Lords Chamber

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department for Business and Trade (Lord Leong) (Lab)]

My Lords, steel is a historic British industry at the heart of our national story. For generations, steelworkers have forged not only steel but Britain’s prosperity. From Scunthorpe to Sheffield, from Port Talbot to Teesside, steel communities have powered our industrial success, strengthened our economy and contributed immeasurably to our national life. For those communities, steel is far more than an industry; it is a source of pride, identity and opportunity. It is a way of life, built over generations through skill, dedication and enterprise.

However, steel is not only about our past; it is fundamental to our future. Steel underpins our infra- structure, manufacturing base, energy networks and transport system. It is essential to the homes, railways and power stations that we build and the defence capabilities on which our national security depends. Steel is therefore not merely another sector of the economy; it is a strategic national asset. Its future is central to our economic resilience, our industrial strength and our ability to deliver the growth and prosperity that this country needs.

The global steel industry faces profound challenges. The volatile geopolitical climate, intensifying international competition and significant global overcapacity have placed enormous pressure on steel producers worldwide. British producers face those challenges while contending with energy costs that remain higher than those of most of their many international competitors. Recent events have highlighted the fragility of global supply chains. The pandemic exposed vulnerabilities that many had assumed did not exist. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine reminded us that economic and national security are inseparable. Increasing geopolitical uncertainty has underscored the importance of maintaining domestic industrial capability.

The lesson is clear: a modern industrial nation cannot afford to lose the capability to produce the materials on which its economy and security depend. Without intervention, the United Kingdom faces the prospect of being the only G7 nation unable to produce virgin steel from raw materials within its borders. That would be more than an industrial failure; it would represent a strategic vulnerability. That is why in March the Government published The UK Steel Strategy, setting out a commitment to revitalise the steel sector, restore domestic production to sustainable levels and secure the industry’s long-term future.

The strategy recognises that the Government have a vital role to play. It means tackling the drivers of high operating costs, including reducing industrial energy costs. It means maintaining a robust trade defence regime to protect British producers from unfair competition. It means working alongside industry to secure the investment that is needed to modernise and decarbonise steel production. It means ensuring that where strategically important steel-making assets are at risk, government has the tools necessary to act decisively in the national interest.

That brings me to the Bill before the House today. This Bill establishes a framework that enables the Government, where necessary and justified by the public interest, to bring steel undertakings into public ownership. This is an enabling measure. It provides the Government with the ability to intervene where strategic domestic steel-making capability is at risk and where such intervention is necessary to safeguard the national interest. As the Prime Minister has already made clear, the Government are strongly minded to use these powers in relation to British Steel, subject, of course, to the public interest test set out in the legislation.

The circumstances surrounding British Steel and the Scunthorpe steelworks are well-known to the House. Scunthorpe is the last remaining primary steel-making capability in the United Kingdom. It directly employs approximately 2,700 highly skilled workers and supports many thousands of additional jobs throughout the wider supply chain. The Government took decisive action last year under the Steel Industry (Special Measures) Act 2025 to prevent the premature and disorderly closure of the blast furnaces at Scunthorpe. I would like to place on record my gratitude to noble Lords across the House for their constructive and responsible engagement with that legislation. I pay tribute to the parliamentary staff whose efforts enabled Parliament to respond swiftly to an urgent national challenge.

The measures enacted last year served their immediate purpose. They prevented closure and ensured continued production. However, those powers were always intended to be temporary. Although they have enabled continued operation, they do not provide the flexibility required to undertake the longer-term restructuring, investment and modernisation that the business now requires. As matters stand, the Government believe that public ownership offers the most effective way to secure the company’s future and to enable strategic decisions to be taken in the long-term interests of the business, its workforce and the nation.

However, I emphasise that any decision to nationalise remains subject to the public interest test as set out in the Bill. The Government did not reach this position lightly. We engaged constructively and extensively with Jingye to pursue a commercial solution. Our clear preference was to secure the future of steel-making through agreement rather than through intervention. However, despite extensive negotiations, it has proved impossible to reach an agreement that would represent a responsible and proportionate use of taxpayers’ money. In those circumstances, the Government concluded that legislation was necessary.

Some noble Lords may reasonably ask whether nationalisation is the right answer. The Government’s response is straightforward. Nationalisation is not an ideological aim and it is not the first option either. It is a pragmatic tool available for use when the national interest requires it. The costs of losing our steel-making capability would far outweigh the costs of preserving it. Once blast furnaces are extinguished, once supply chains disperse and once specialist skills are lost, rebuilding those capabilities becomes extraordinarily difficult and expensive. Inaction carries consequences and dependency carries risks. The loss of sovereign industrial capability carries costs that cannot be easily measured in purely financial terms. That is why Governments around the world intervene to protect strategically important industries. Britain should be no different.

We believe that British Steel can succeed. With the right leadership, investment and long-term strategy, the company can be transformed. We have already seen the success of public ownership in the case of Sheffield Forgemasters. Recently, British Steel has secured important new contracts, including supplying rail infrastructure and supporting future energy projects. These are encouraging signs of the opportunities ahead.

Turning to the detail of the Bill, I recognise that it contains significant powers and that noble Lords will wish to scrutinise them closely. That scrutiny is both expected and welcome. The Government have consistently sought to ensure that the powers contained in the Bill are proportionate, necessary and appropriately constrained.

[Lord Redwood (Con)]

On a point of information—

[Lord Fox (LD)]

We do not do points of information at Second Reading.

Steel Import Restrictions

Debate between Lord Leong and Lord Redwood

Tuesday 2nd June 2026 Lords Chamber

[Lord Leong (Lab)]

I did not detect a question there. We are where we are. We have to get Brexit done and we are making the most of it. We have signed trade deals with many countries and many more are in the pipeline. We will continue signing free trade deals everywhere.

[Lord Redwood (Con)]

How many job losses will there be in the steel-using industries in the United Kingdom as a result of the new higher tariffs?

[Lord Leong (Lab)]

That is why we have brought in special measures to safeguard jobs in British Steel in Scunthorpe. At the same time, we have invested loads of money and given £500 million to Tata to ensure that Port Talbot continues. We will ensure that jobs are protected.