Commercial Payments Bill [HL] Debate

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Department: Home Office
Lord Hunt of Wirral Portrait Lord Hunt of Wirral (Con)
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My Lords, I declare my interests as set out in the register, in particular as a partner and practising solicitor at DAC Beachcroft. It is a pleasure to follow the Minister, who not only read from a brief but spoke from his heart. He has a record that anyone should be proud of in building businesses in the past.

The Minister was also very generous in the praise that he extended to the previous Conservative Government. We on these Benches have consistently championed the rights of small businesses. In government, we created a specific duty for contracting authorities to consider small-sized and medium-sized enterprises in competing for contracts. During the pandemic, we directed an additional £69 billion towards support for businesses.

That belief in small business has followed us into Opposition, often in defiance of the Government’s broader approach to industrial policy, so it is welcome to see Ministers taking a step in our direction. For that reason, I say from the outset that we do not oppose the Bill. Tackling poor payment practices will be beneficial not only to small businesses but to the wider economy as a whole.

As the Minister pointed out, an estimated 38 businesses close every day as a result of late payments, costing the country some £11 billion annually. We therefore recognise the need for reforms such as mandatory payment terms and statutory interest payments, both of which should improve cash flow and provide smaller firms with greater certainty.

However, I recognise that there is a small risk that some businesses may be negatively affected by the changes to the late payment rules. Although that is undoubtedly not the Government’s intention, the decision to exempt transactions between large businesses risks creating an incentive for bigger firms to bypass smaller suppliers altogether. I would therefore be grateful if, when the Minister comes to sum up the debate—like him, I look forward to noble Lords’ contributions to this debate from all sides of the House—he could address whether the Government have considered this possibility and what safeguards could be created to guard against such an outcome.

Similarly, in a number of countries where mandatory late payment terms have been introduced, they have in practice tended to become accepted payment dates rather than genuine deadlines. Instead of encouraging prompt settlement, they have occasionally encouraged businesses to delay payment until the final permissible day. I hope that the Minister will address this concern in his reply; I look forward, as he does, to engaging constructively on these matters in Committee.

I also ask the Minister for some clarity on the 60-day payment term. There is often a discrepancy between when a business does a payment run and when the bank actually makes the payment. There are instances where unforeseen delays cause the payment to overrun the 60-day window, after which statutory interest is automatically applied. Can the Minister confirm whether the 60-day deadline ends when the payment is made or when it is received by the supplier? Does the legislation account for delays due to payment runs or payment system delays? Perhaps these points need more clarity in the Bill’s drafting.

We similarly support the abolition of retention sums in construction contracts. We recognise that retention payments are often far smaller than the actual cost of defects, and that they have increasingly become less a form of genuine insurance and more a mechanism for unilaterally transferring risk on to smaller contractors while preserving working capital for larger firms. That does little to improve either quality or productivity in the construction sector.

Despite this, we recognise that, on occasion, retention payments have served as a legitimate, if limited, form of protection against defective work. In the construction industry, where the cost of errors tends to range between 5% and 25% of project value, the importance of ensuring that adequate protection against shortfalls is available is self-evident. Given that the retention option is being removed from construction contracts, can the Minister please explain how the Government intend to ensure that defects in construction projects will still be rectified by those responsible?

I turn for a moment to the changes proposed to the Office of the Small Business Commissioner. Bringing upwards claims into its remit is welcome, as are the new powers to enforce compliance and to distribute fines for non-compliance. The success of these reforms will depend ultimately on resources. Greater powers and greater responsibilities must be accompanied by adequate funding. The former without the latter risks creating backlogs and inefficiency, and ultimately discrediting the important work that the commissioner’s office exists to carry out. I therefore hope that the Minister can assure the House that sufficient resources will accompany these expanded duties.

I also wish to address some broader points concerning the Government’s overall business policy. This Bill is undoubtedly a step in the right direction, but I would describe it as a small step only, because it must be seen in the broader direction of the Government’s overall legislative programme. This is a Bill that rightly seeks to support small businesses in competing fairly with larger firms. It seeks to improve cash flow and to engineer greater and fairer symmetry within the market. These are worthwhile and sensible objectives. It is a great pity that those very principles should be in such obvious contrast with almost every other area of government policy.

Small businesses will welcome this Bill, but it will do little to relieve the broader pressures under which they must currently operate. Industrial electricity costs in the UK remain among the highest in the OECD, driven by a combination of high green levies and continued reliance on intermittent energy generation. The consequence is that large sections of our manufacturing and construction sectors are becoming increasingly uncompetitive and, in some cases, simply unprofitable. At the same time, the minimum wage has continued to rise significantly beyond the rate of inflation, discouraging investment in youth employment and training opportunities. For sectors such as construction, which already endures one of the highest turnover rates in the United Kingdom, this is particularly damaging. Businesses cannot continually absorb rising labour costs while simultaneously facing higher energy prices, increased taxation and ever-growing administrative and regulatory burdens.

I must return to the Employment Rights Act. The Government’s own figures suggest that it will impose over £1 billion in additional administrative costs on businesses. Many of us suspect that this figure may prove to be a significant underestimate. Those costs will inevitably fall most disproportionately on small and micro businesses, which lack the legal resources that are available to larger corporations. When the qualifying period for unfair dismissal is reduced to six months, many small businesses simply will not possess the capacity to manage, or even adequately assess, the additional risks involved in hiring.

Six months was a late and welcome compromise, but it will still make employers think twice and twice again before hiring people. At a time when economic growth remains weak and business confidence fragile, that is deeply concerning. Given the stated intent of this Bill—to help smaller businesses survive—I hope that, over the coming weeks, the Minister will be receptive to measures exempting some of the most vulnerable businesses from further measures within the Employment Rights Act that stand to be triggered by secondary legislation.

While we welcome this attempt to improve market practices and enhance protections for small businesses, without cheaper energy, affordable labour and proportionate employment regulation the effect of these reforms will inevitably be limited. We therefore hope that this Bill marks not merely an isolated intervention but the beginning of a broader change in the Government’s outlook towards the wealth creators in our society, without whom no progress is possible. This legislation is founded on sound principles. I only hope that the same principles will come to guide future policy more generally across the full field of industrial and economic strategy.