NHS: Wheelchair Services

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Monday 24th November 2025 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the provision of wheelchair services by the NHS and social care authorities.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department of Health and Social Care (Baroness Merron) (Lab)]

My Lords, integrated care boards are responsible for the commissioning of local wheelchair services based on the needs of the local population. NHS England has developed policy guidance and legislation to support ICBs to commission effective, efficient and personalised services. This includes a Wheelchair Quality Framework, published in April, which is designed to assist ICBs and NHS wheelchair service providers in delivering high-quality provision that improves access, outcomes and experience.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to my noble friend, but does she recognise that the work by the Wheelchair Alliance and the All-Party Group for Wheelchairs Users would suggest that, if you leave this to local health bodies and local authorities, they simply will not improve the current inadequate and patchy service? The All-Party Group for Access to Disability Equipment has reported that

“63% of carers and 55% of equipment users said that services are getting worse”.

Given what my noble friend said about the quality framework, which I very much welcome, does she accept that nothing will change unless this is enforced from the centre, with strong performance management?

[Baroness Merron (Lab)]

I accept the observations that my noble friend has made; I know he has been a voice on this for many years. I share with him the impatience for change and welcome the work of the APPG and the Wheelchair Alliance. The NHS Medium Term Planning Framework, which was published just in October, requires that, from 2026-27, all ICBs and community health services must actively manage and reduce the proportion of waits across all community health services over 18 weeks and develop a plan to eliminate all 52-week waits. I expect that wheelchair provision and services will improve through this as well as other means.

Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Committee stage
Friday 21st November 2025 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Finlay of Llandaff (CB)]

My Lords, we come to a key concern in this Bill—the very real risks of coercion and pressure to seek an assisted death. While the Bill acknowledges coercion, it does not fully address the dynamics of domestic abuse at the end of life nor the intersectional risks faced by women, those who are disabled, whether long-term or through illness, and those from ethnic minority backgrounds.

ONS data showed that, from March 2023 to March 2024, 2.3 million people over 16 were subject to domestic abuse. This equates to one in 20 of the population between 16 and 65 years old, yet only 45,000 of them in England and Wales are known to the police. In the older population, the incidence is even higher. Hourglass has estimated that one in five experiences some sort of abuse. Since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic, incidences of domestic abuse reported to third sector and statutory agencies have increased by over 60%. A systematic review by Michelle Myall and colleagues covering 2000 to 2021 found that the incidence of abuse increased in terminal illness. These results resonated with Jamilla Hussain’s findings in Bradford.

People with life-limiting illness experience a range of abusive behaviours in three broad categories: coercive and controlling behaviour, emotional and physical abuse and neglect, and financial abuse. Financial abuse is particularly rife in its many forms. Take the relative who goes to the cash machine for their relative who is ill and quietly pockets some of the cash or quietly steals valuables, or the family keen for their relative to die before a fixed-term life insurance runs out. Yes, I have seen it. They wanted a new car.

Emotional abuse includes telling the person that they are a burden—directly, or indirectly through conversations that are designed to be overheard by the person who is ill. Some are told that they are not dying quickly enough. Abuse affects treatment decisions and can lead to people missing out on curative treatment through making adverse decisions about their care. For some women, death is the only way out that they can see from their situation. It reflects the national data, where suicide is now the commonest cause of domestic abuse-related deaths.

The Oregon data shows that feeling a burden to family or carers has been stated as an end-of-life concern by over 47% of people having an assisted death. This was higher than the under 30% who cited inadequate pain control or concern about it as a reason. After the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, gave evidence to the Select Committee, I rechecked the official reports. Oregon does not collect data to understand whether there have been problems with coercion or report on those who are turned down for lethal drugs.

This Bill has been publicised as being about pain but does not mention pain at all. Specialist palliative care can deal with pain. Detecting the coercive threats, humiliation and intimidation, which are usually subtle and consistently maintained out of sight of anyone in authority, is far harder. It is the complaints about the heating bills, family carers being fed up with having to prepare drinks and food, groaning when asked for something—there are so many ways to give the message that you are a nuisance and would be better off dead. Abuse impacts patients’ mental health and well-being and leads to feelings of loss of control, entrapment, powerlessness and depression.

However, health and care professionals lack confidence in identifying abuse. It is rarely detected by doctors. Why? Because dependence limits disclosure. Illness increases women’s dependence on the perpetrators, making disclosure harder in the last months, weeks and days of life, even when professionals ask directly. Disclosure requires time to build trust with the same professional, who understands how abuse presents at the end of life in different cultural contexts and who can offer practical support such as safe housing, financial help and, if needed, support for dependents. Without this, disclosure is too risky.

Most women in Dr Hussain’s group said that they would not dare to disclose abuse during an assisted dying assessment as currently set out. They felt that the process was too brief, too medicalised and too uncertain to guarantee their safety. I recall a patient whose pain was not controlled on 1,000 milligrams of morphine per day. After a few days in our hospice, she disclosed to a care assistant at night the years of worsening abuse that she had endured. Total distress from hidden abuse had given her total pain. Social work intervention and safeguarding in place was the solution. She went out to a new home needing only 60 milligrams a day.

Disclosure is more likely in a trusted relationship with someone whom the person can know, whom they can look in the eye, knowing that they will work hard to improve their situation. In today’s NHS, continuity of care is not the norm. It is fragmented, with inadequate transfer of information between sectors. Patients do not see the same person time and again, whether doctor, nurse or other professional. That is why it is essential that information is sought, from police callouts to a domestic disturbance, local authority records to reveal any safeguarding issues in the household, clinical teams who have been involved, social care, community carers and family members who may well be aware of abuse but had not known how to disclose it.

Another type of subtle subliminal pressure is also addressed in this group of amendments—that arising from whatever the doctor suggests. Under the Montgomery and McCulloch rulings, patients must be informed of all possible treatments which are appropriate to that condition. If a doctor says that there is also the option of an assisted death, the patient will hear that as, “I know what lies ahead for you and you should consider ending it now”. A Canadian lawyer told me of his friend who had a stroke. On being taken out of the ambulance, he was asked whether he wanted treatment or MAID—medical assistance in dying—Canada’s term for assisted death. He also told me of patients being repeatedly asked by different doctors in the hospital about MAID, and the corrosive effect that this has.

The amendment in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Fox of Buckley, and others, is particularly important. It does not prevent conversations but it would stop subtle coercive influences from doctors, who may be under pressure, who may feel that they have to raise this—just as the problems of DNR orders arose during Covid—or with some of the abuses of medical power and inappropriate surgery that were in the headlines not that long ago. I beg to move.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, I have a few amendments in this group. My Amendment 118 seeks to introduce

“an independent financial review and background check on close relatives before eligibility can proceed. It aims to block eligibility where there is known financial abuse risk”.

My Amendment 462 aims

“to make coercion/financial abuse checking a shared statutory duty of both the Commissioner and the multidisciplinary Review Panel”.

The noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, has set out some of the issues and concerns about coercion, which I do not need to repeat. I am a long-standing supporter of Hourglass, an amazing organisation devoted to combating the abuse of older people. It is neutral on the Bill, but its chief executive said in evidence to the House of Commons that

“there is an epidemic of abuse against older people at the moment. Some of it is due to the economic climate that we are in, with people just wanting to have their inheritance now, and some of it is due to the fact that older people feel like a burden”.—[Official Report, Commons, Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill Committee, 29/1/25; col. 160.]

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Goddard of Stockport (LD)]

And if we run out of time at the end of that, the Bill falls. Someone will say, “it is not our fault”, but it is our fault.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

I thank the noble Lord for giving way, because he is clearly trying to be constructive in taking us forward. Is not the real problem that a Private Member’s Bill is just not suitable for this issue, which is so complex and sensitive? We should have had a royal commission; I believe the Commons should then have had a vote in principle; the Government should then have brought in draft legislation; it should have gone to pre-legislative scrutiny; and then both Houses could have dealt with the issue properly. This is the problem—not your Lordships, not the scrutiny we want to do, but the very fact that you cannot possibly bring in assisted dying through a Private Member’s Bill.

[Lord Goddard of Stockport (LD)]

Unfortunately, you can, because that is how this country works. It is called democracy. When 650 elected Members, representing 70 million people by a majority, send it to this House, we have a duty and the honour to treat that Bill with respect, not disdain, not threatening to derail it or run it out of time—

--- Later in debate ---

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords—

[Lord Falconer of Thoroton (Lab)]

This is a new practice that every answer one gives, the person then responds by repeating their speech. So, if it is new, yes—

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

The Companion states that in Committee we are entitled to speak more than once, and I think it is more helpful to do it this way. I am the 11th amendment in this group that the noble and learned Lord has so eloquently dismissed so far, but I think he has about another 10 to go.

I want to make two points. First, does the noble and learned Lord not reflect, on all the concerns that have been expressed, that the Bill might have had a smoother passage if he had shown any disposition whatever to take any of these issues away and reflect on them before coming back on Report? Secondly, I mentioned the Human Tissue Authority legislation that provides some protection and investigation to make sure that a donor is not getting a financial reward. Will he at least look at that to see whether there is any way in which we could reflect that in this legislation?

[Lord Falconer of Thoroton (Lab)]

On my noble friend’s first question, I have not dismissed all the amendments; I have accepted that we should look at some of them, and very many of the ones I am not accepting are because they are already covered in the Bill. I am rejecting some of them on the basis that I do not think they are practical. When my noble friend talked about the donor, I think he was talking about, for example, somebody who may benefit from the will of the patient. Indeed, that was a point raised by the noble Lord, Lord Farmer. Very often, the person who most supports you in relation to this is the person you love most and who is going to benefit under your will. So, very frequently the person who has taken a loved one to Switzerland is the person who is then going to inherit under their will. That does not make them bad, and I would most certainly not exclude people who benefit from the will of the person who dies because they have helped them in this respect. It seems to me to not properly recognise the importance of human relations in relation to this.

I have dealt with the point of the noble Lord, Lord Farmer, about the will. His second point was that, if you had a friend who was convicted of a criminal offence involving financial fraud of some sort, you should not be able to have an assisted death unless there is an investigation of your financial position. Well, if I reject the point from my noble friend Lord Hunt in relation to a close relative or the person you speak with, then I think, for the reasons I have given, it also does not apply in relation to a friend.

In Amendment 181, the noble Baroness, Lady Grey-Thompson, proposes that the doctor must ask why and seek specific confirmation that a decision is not coerced. There is no specific requirement for that in the Bill: it is for the two doctors to determine what they think the right course is. If they felt that they could not reach a decision without asking why, or without asking, “Are you being coerced?”, they would have to ask that. But there is no prohibition. It is, as the noble Lord, Lord Pannick, said, a decision for the two doctors and the panel to decide, in each case, what is the best way to reach a conclusion as to whether this person is being coerced. That is the question that all these things are addressing.

Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Committee stage
Friday 14th November 2025 Lords Chamber

[Lord Wolfson of Tredegar (Con)]

My Lords, I am very grateful to the noble Baroness for intervening. If there is a difference between us, it may be one of emphasis and not substance, because, respectfully, I do not disagree with anything she just said. As I said in my opening remarks, the Official Opposition’s position from the Front Bench is that we want this House to be able to do proper scrutiny.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

In making that last point, does the noble Lord accept that, in essence, we need to be given more days in Committee so that we can go through this Bill in detail but do so in the way that the noble Baroness suggested? The issue is that, at the moment, there is an assumption that we are going to get only four days in Committee; frankly, that is not enough for such a complex Bill.

[Lord Wolfson of Tredegar (Con)]

My Lords, I am grateful for that point from the noble Lord.

I do not want to bring my own personal circumstances into it, but the plain fact of the matter is that I will not be able to participate in the next group because, for obvious reasons, I have to leave. I am a practising barrister. I set aside time to contribute—usefully, I hope—to the work of this House, but there are other pressures on time. If this were a government Bill, we all know how government Bills work. This is well beyond my unpaid pay grade, but it seems to me that we are perhaps trying to pour a quart into a pint pot by doing this Bill as a Private Member’s Bill; as I say, though, that is way beyond my pay grade.

I will sit down in a moment but, because of the exchange we have just had, I want to place on the record the fact that I will not be here for the next group. Having said on this group that the two groups are interrelated, I hope that that will not be a discourtesy to the Committee—certainly not to the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, who is the sponsor of the Bill.

National Health Service Regulations

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Tuesday 16th September 2025 Lords Chamber

[Baroness Merron (Lab)]

The noble Lord makes an important point. There is absolutely no intention that people will be disadvantaged in any way. This is about equalising access, which means keeping all forms of access open. That may be online, but it will also be possible to deal with things in person and on the phone. Obviously, if we can take pressure off phone access, or personal access, through the use of online, that will assist the group to which the noble Lord referred.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, my noble friend referred to Community Health Councils. I was one of the first CHC secretaries to be appointed in 1974.

[Noble Lords]

Hurrah!

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

Wait for it, my Lords—I was also the Minister who got its abolition through your Lordships’ House. Mea culpa; I was mistaken. We should bring it back.

[Baroness Merron (Lab)]

My noble friend does himself credit with his honesty, which I too will take example from .

Inflammatory Bowel Disease

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Monday 20th May 2024 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what action they are taking to improve awareness of, and services for people with, inflammatory bowel disease.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department of Health and Social Care (Lord Markham) (Con)]

NHS England’s national bladder and bowel health project is delivering better care for people with inflammatory bowel disease, with a focus on developing clinical pathways. Additionally, NHS England aims to reduce variation in care for people with inflammatory bowel disease through its Getting It Right First Time gastroenterology programme. To raise awareness of IBD among GPs and other primary care staff, the Royal College of General Practitioners has produced an inflammatory bowel disease toolkit.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, the Minister mentioned variation in care. He will be aware that over half a million people in the UK suffer from IBD and that the actual quality of care is very varied throughout the country. For instance, the overall waiting time for new patient appointments at gastroenterology clinics varies between one week and 27 weeks, with a big impact on the outcome of the care the patient receives. My understanding is that there are IBD national standards but that they are not adhered to. Can the Minister tell me why that is, and when will the Government insist that the NHS gets the variation of care down to at least an acceptable limit where good-quality care is guaranteed to all patients?

[Lord Markham (Con)]

The noble Lord is correct. I spent time with the clinical lead in this area this morning; there is a Getting It Right First Time pathway and it is clear that the initial cohort of 25 hospitals have shown real progress in this area. That is being rolled out across the pathway—we have now had cohorts 2 and 3 doing it—so we should see those improvements happen across the board. However, it is my job as a Minister to make sure that that happens.

NHS: Long-term Sustainability

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Thursday 18th April 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, I am very grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Patel, for opening the debate, and very much welcome my noble friend Lady Ramsey on the occasion of her maiden speech.

The noble Lord, Lord Patel, talked about the NHS being severely constrained, but we know that the NHS can work well. Fourteen years ago, the NHS was in rude health, with new hospitals, new services, and waiting times that had come down dramatically. In 2010, the British Social Attitudes survey reached the highest level of satisfaction ever at over 70%.

What have 14 years of coalition and Conservative Governments brought us? The latest survey, published three weeks ago, recorded the lowest levels of satisfaction since those surveys started in 1983, of 24%. Long waits have become the norm; access to GPs, dentistry and CAMHS services have become very difficult for many people; ambulance waits are outside safety targets, and social care is unreformed. As the noble Lord, Lord Patel, said, we have very poor health outcomes as well. If the NHS is to be sustained, it has to respond to health and care needs very different from those that existed in 1948. There are complex long-term conditions among a growing older population—yet the NHS at the moment seems woefully unprepared or, as the noble Lord, Lord Patel, said, it has not reached an equilibrium.

To turn this around, I agree with the noble Lord, Lord Patel, that we first have to start upstream, with a bolder preventive focus to reduce health inequalities and improve life expectancy. As my noble friend Lord Filkin, the noble Lord, Lord Bethell, and others say in their recent report, Health is Wealth, our nation’s poor health damages lives, communities and our economy. Then major surgery is required of the NHS. Wes Streeting has outlined a decade-long programme of modernisation, with plans to digitise massive amounts of NHS paperwork and to make proper use of the NHS app to give patients real control. What the noble Baroness said about genomics really fits into that model.

However, three major changes need to accompany this. First, we need a step change from the current overcentralised and bureaucratic NHS. As Nigel Edwards of the Nuffield Trust has said, we have a culture of checking, assurance, performance management and other manifestations of a controlling and low-trust approach, alongside a system with a very large number of priorities. I do not know whether the Minister is aware how much NHS England’s approach is despised and hated within the health service at the moment. I would suggest that that comes from the approach that Ministers are now taking to NHS England. It comes right from the top.

This has to go with the workforce. We need a fundamental change in how we treat our people working in the NHS. Bullying, problems of recruitment, retention and morale—these are everywhere in our health service. I have been fascinated to read the outcome of a King’s Fund and RCN project entitled Follow Your Compassion, which looked at the experience of 22 newly qualified nurses and midwives. The work that they do is high stakes, with significant and often disproportionate responsibility placed on them almost immediately after qualifying. Life, death and human suffering are everyday encounters, and the work of caregiving is emotionally demanding. But the overwhelming experience of participants was reported as their feeling unprepared, anxious, silenced and exhausted. You can have as many workforce plans as you like but, unless we get to grips with how our people are treated in the health service, you will never really sort the workforce problems out.

Finally, we must invest in leadership and management of the NHS. I remind the House that I am president of the Institute of Health and Social Care Management. Unlike the military and many private organisations and companies, the NHS does almost nothing to select, nurture and develop the next generation of executive leaders. Training and development are often sporadic, which, combined with the lack of a systematic appraisal, makes development and deployment of key talent almost impossible. The Government’s insistence on carving yet more managers out of the system at the moment is having a very damaging impact on their ability to take forward the kind of change that needs to happen.

If we do not sort this out, if we do not change the culture, if we do not put more trust in the NHS locally and if we do not sort out social care, all the other changes that we need to make will come to very little. This Government have now had 14 years; they have had their opportunity—it is time for change.

Midwives: Bullying

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Tuesday 16th April 2024 Lords Chamber

Asked by

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath]

To ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the impact of bullying of students and newly qualified midwives in the NHS on (1) retention of staff, and (2) the treatment of pregnant women, as highlighted in the #Saynotobullyinginmidwifery report published on 12 November 2023.

[The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department of Health and Social Care (Lord Markham) (Con)]

This report makes difficult reading, highlighting unacceptable levels of bullying in midwifery. We know that culture and leadership have a significant impact on retention and staff experience. NHS organisations should have robust policies in place to tackle bullying and harassment. Through the NHS long-term workforce plan and the NHS equality, diversity and inclusion plan, we are seeking to expand the workforce and make the NHS a better place to work.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, I am grateful to the Minister. As he says, all NHS trusts have those robust policies. The problem is that they are not coming out into practice. This report describes the experience of midwives working in a toxic culture. One newly qualified midwife is quoted as saying that they were left

“burnt out by bullying and the terror of working on understaffed wards”.

Another said:

“I would return home crying most days and became suicidal from the fear and treatment at this trust”.


Does the Minister accept that much more fundamental change is required to deal with understaffed maternity units, NHS trusts preoccupied with reputation management over patient safety, and a reluctance to take whistleblowers seriously?

[Lord Markham (Con)]

I thank the noble Lord for his work in this whole area. That is genuine appreciation, because I know that he looks not just at bullying in this area. He is a very important conduit and I am personally grateful for the work he does on this and how much he cares. It is a combination of all the things that he mentioned. I had a meeting with the chief midwife on this subject this morning because of it being brought to my attention. I was actually quite reassured. Each trust now has what is called a quad leadership team, where the chief midwife, a neonatologist, an obstetrician and the general manager spend time together in a six-month process where they work together as a team on how they will address all these vital cultural issues.

Stroke Treatment

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Wednesday 27th March 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Markham (Con)]

That is what these SQuIRe centres are about—trying to roll out best practice. As I mentioned, I have seen fantastic examples, including simple things such as at Leighton Hospital, which gets every patient, not just stroke patients, to exercise for a couple of hours each day. That makes a difference to their length of stay and their ability to go back into the community and into the workplace.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, to follow on from the encouraging intervention of the noble Baroness, Lady Meacher, the Minister will know that, in 2010, London centralised hyperacute services into a small number of expert units. What progress are we making throughout the rest of the country, because in some parts it has been disappointingly slow?

[Lord Markham (Con)]

The stroke quality improvement for rehabilitation—SQuIRe—services are where we are trying to take best practice from London, France and around the world and roll it out. The good news is that we have the model; it is based on a national model for an integrated community stroke service. We have got that in 65% of locations, with the goal of making it 75%.

Sodium Valproate and Pelvic Mesh

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Monday 25th March 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Markham (Con)]

The 2025 date is the timetable that the Patient Safety Commissioner recommended in terms of financial redress. The point that the noble Baroness makes, quite rightly, is about the non-financial aspect: if you are suffering pain from it all, you want to be treated as quickly as possible. That is why we have set up these nine specialist centres to allow exactly that sort of redress to occur.

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, can I remind the noble Lord that, of course, it was not a matter of months since this first recommendation came? The noble Baroness, Lady Cumberlege, recommended a redress scheme some years ago. Why was it rejected in the first place, and why are we waiting many more months, as the Minister said, when, as the Patient Safety Commissioner has said, the intention is

“an initial, fixed sum in recognition of the avoidable harm they have suffered as a result of system-wide healthcare and regulatory failures”?

Why are the Government being so slow to respond?

[Lord Markham (Con)]

That is precisely what I put to Minister Caulfield this morning. She commissioned the review because her feeling was that the period from when my noble friend’s initial report came in until when Maria Caulfield was in post was too long. So it was absolutely she who commissioned it last year, and it is absolutely she who very much said that she is determined that there should be a substantive reply from us in the next few months.

Sexual and Reproductive Healthcare

Lord Hunt of Kings Heath Excerpts

Tuesday 19th March 2024 Lords Chamber

[Lord Hunt of Kings Heath (Lab)]

My Lords, I congratulate the noble Baroness on her contribution and fully endorse what she has to say. We clearly have a crisis in sexual and reproductive healthcare.

I refer the Minister to evidence given to the Commons Women and Equalities Committee only in January by Dr Claire Dewsnap, president of the British Association for Sexual Health and HIV. She said that

“a lot of the presentations in clinics and potentially in other settings like primary and secondary care, are things that we have not seen for 50 or 60 years”.

In the same session, Dame Rachel de Souza highlighted that in the past, schoolchildren could go to the school nurse with sexual health issues but there has been a 35% cut in school nurses over the last 10 years. This issue of access means that it is significantly harder for young people to access sexual health services, particularly in rural areas. According to Dr Dewsnap, because of budget cuts only 10% of sexual health services offer a drop-in facility. That makes it far less likely that young people and children will seek the support they need.

A further, highly effective resource that has been totally cut is the Sexwise website. This highly valued sexual health resource for professionals and the general public was developed by the FPA in 2017 on behalf of Public Health England and handed to PHE to run in 2019. But, alarmingly, the Minister’s department ended the contract to deliver maintenance support for the website from 4 March this year. Twice, the department has refused an offer from the FPA to take it over, and the reasons given are clearly spurious. The first rejection was based on Crown copyright considerations of the Sexwise brand—a ridiculous argument. The second rejection, after the FPA clarified that the Crown could keep ownership of the brand, was, quite frankly, nonsensical.

The basic need for what Sexwise gave, which was accurate and free-to-access sexual and reproductive health information, has not gone away. I hope the Minister will instruct the DHSC either to put Sexwise out to a public tender—we are talking about tens of thousands of pounds of cost—or to accept the generous offer from the FPA to run it on the department’s behalf. I am afraid that the Sexwise saga just reflects the Government’s attitude towards public health, perhaps apart from smoking.

I would like the Minister to reflect on the effective dismantling of the Office for Health Improvement and Disparities. It took over the funding of the public health grant when Public Health England was disestablished in 2021, which in turn, of course, replaced the Health Protection Agency following the Health and Social Care Act 2012. It has now been authoritatively reported in the Health Service Journal that unannounced changes to the office have led to its fragmentation and decimation.

So over 12 years we have seen, through a number of iterations, the Government essentially move from having a large, mainly independent public health agency to a disparate group of people spread thinly across a number of directorates in the Department of Health. At what cost? I have seen reports that OHID has been reduced by about 60% in staffing terms, with a loss of several senior and experienced officials and the downgrading of many functions, including sexual health. Can the Minister tell me how many qualified public health specialists have left OHID and how many remain within his department? It is a far cry from the triumphal tone of the announcement launching the office, followed by the September 2021 statement by the then Health Secretary, Sajid Javid, who said he wanted OHID to work on preventing poor mental and physical health, addressing health inequalities and improving access to health services, and to work with partners within and outside government to respond to wider health determinants. That ended well, didn’t it?

My noble friend Lady Merron anticipated this in her regret Motion of 9 November 2021. As she put it, it is hard to see how the UK Health Security Agency or the OHID could be “independent or effective”. They were not set up in statute and were created

“without parliamentary scrutiny or approval”.—[Official Report, 9/11/21; col. 1675.]

As we can see, it is very easy then virtually to dismantle OHID without any public or parliamentary scrutiny whatever. Hunter, Littlejohns and Weale, in a forthcoming BMJ opinion column, will argue:

“Set up in haste with no consultation, OHID lacks any of the … independence PHE had, being an opaque body scattered through the Department of Health and Social Care. Given its low profile and lack of a clear mission, it comes as no surprise that, despite denials from the government, it has been virtually eviscerated”.


Or, as Dave West from the HSJ has put it,

“the latest restructure, as well as being damaging to a functioning national public health system, suggests any idea of greater push and support from the centre for independent for ICSs’ long-term agenda—of population health, prevention inequalities—remains for the birds. Hopes of tougher preventative action on alcohol or sugar, for example, equally so”.

That has to be on a par with the Government’s tepid approach to public health measures, smoking aside. The shamefully postponed implementation of the obesity strategy is but one example, and it is in this context, of course, that we see the problems arising in sexual health. How else can we explain the LGA’s analysis that, between 2015 and 2024, the public health grant received by local authorities has been reduced in real terms by £880 million, which has resulted in a reduction in councils’ ability to spend on STI testing, contraception and treatment? As David Hunter and his colleagues argue, revitalising public health in the UK requires changes, including a cross-government approach to tackle the social determinants of health alongside restoring the funding cuts to public health funding. Will the Minister effect that change, including restoring the real-terms value of the public health grant, the cut to which has so decimated sexual health services in the way described by the noble Baroness, Lady Barker?