(3 years, 6 months ago)
Lords ChamberTo ask Her Majesty’s Government what representations they are making to the government of Belarus regarding the emergency landing of a Ryanair flight in Belarus and the subsequent arrest of journalist Roman Protasevich.
My Lords, the Belarusian authorities’ forcible landing of a Ryanair flight in Minsk to arrest a journalist, Roman Protasevich, is an appalling attack on human rights, media freedom and civil aviation. Yesterday, we summoned the Belarusian ambassador to express our deep concerns, suspended permits for Belavia flights to the UK, and advised UK airlines to avoid flying over Belarusian airspace. We are co-ordinating our response with allies and calling for the International Civil Aviation Organization council to meet urgently.
My Lords, is the Minister aware that there was already great concern about rigged elections and the appalling treatment of hundreds of illegally detained political prisoners in Belarus? This state-sponsored piracy and the arrest takes it to a new level. While we welcome what the Government have already done in response to this, as the Minister has told us, particularly on air transport, much more needs to be done to get the release of Roman Protasevich, who is clearly being intimidated, and to stop the growing tyranny in Belarus. Will Her Majesty’s Government work with the European Union, the United States and other Governments to get strong, effective financial sanctions on Belarus and its sponsors in Russia, so that we hit them where it really hurts and where the City of London plays a key role?
My Lords, the Government agree and we are co-ordinating our response with all our allies and partners, including the US, the EU and other countries. The Foreign Secretary has discussed Belarus directly with the French, German and Lithuanian Foreign Ministers, and with the former Secretary of State and Vice-President of the US during his visit to Washington in September. The Minister for European Neighbourhood and the Americas has had extensive contact with Ministers in the Baltic states and Scandinavia and with state secretaries in the US and Germany. As noble Lords can imagine, those discussions have escalated dramatically in recent days.
(3 years, 7 months ago)
Lords ChamberI defer to my excellent colleague and noble friend Lord Bethel, who can respond more effectively to the noble Baroness’s question. However, we are working with the developing world to ensure we meet its requirements as well.
Did the Minister note that when the Prime Minister of Nepal realised he had made a mistake, he resigned? Is it not indicative that he has more honour than the Prime Minister here?
My Lords, I know our Prime Minister. I worked with our Prime Minister when he was Foreign Secretary. I have seen a side to our Prime Minister that perhaps other noble Lords have not seen. This is a Prime Minister who went through the challenge of Covid-19 himself and when he returned to the office—the noble Lord shakes his head, but it is important—we saw it, we heard it and we delivered on it. The first priority, the first thing he spearheaded, was the response to the Covid-19 challenge, not just in the UK but across the world. He was instrumental in setting up the COVAX facility, which is benefiting more than 92 developing countries around the world. That is the fact. I know our Prime Minister personally and well, and he has led from the front on this agenda.
(3 years, 8 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, I always welcome gentle reminders from my noble friend. I assure him that we recognise the importance of biodiversity, especially in the context of climate change and our chairmanship of COP26. He made some notable suggestions and recommendations and I certainly look to take them forward.
My Lords, the Minister mentioned Montserrat. When Montserrat was devastated by that volcanic eruption, I was the Minister at DfID dealing with it and we sent out emergency relief teams immediately to help. Why is that not being done now? We also committed long-term help, not of thousands of pounds but of millions. Are these poor people going to be the first victims of the cuts in DfID assistance?
My Lords, while I also welcome the valuable insights of the noble Lord, first and foremost, I assure him that we have given an immediate response, as I said to the noble Lord, Lord Boateng. What we have announced thus far is immediate support. The reason we are not sending out direct support is because we have invested, since 2017—I can speak with some insight and expertise—in CDEMA and in the structures in the Caribbean and the region to ensure that the response can be as effective and co-ordinated as possible. The noble Lord talks about Montserrat, which I continue to support. Indeed, it is this Government who have provided close to £30 million of capital spending to continue to help Montserrat. We are also supporting, through the Caribbean Development Bank, specific projects including roadbuilding in St Vincent. That kind of long-term infrastructure support will also continue.
(3 years, 10 months ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, I first raise a couple of procedural points. As the noble Baroness, Lady Ritchie, just said, we are considering regulations weeks after they came into force on 1 January. This makes a mockery of parliamentary scrutiny, and I hope that the Government will look into this so that it does not continue to happen as it has so frequently. Secondly, I raise the way in which this hybrid Grand Committee unfortunately makes it impossible to properly question and challenge the Minister. If we were in the Moses Room, we could intervene on the Minister, ask questions and seek assurances, particularly during the reply, but we are unable to do so properly today. I blame no one for this, least of all the Minister, but it illustrates how important it is that we get back to our normal procedures as soon as it is safe to do so.
Turning to the SIs, I want to deal in particular with the No. 4 regulations, which grant an exception for activities carried out under a licence granted by the overseas territories and Crown dependencies. This causes me great concern and I seek assurances from the Minister on this. But I first point out that these sanctions apply to financial measures, including asset freezes, as well as to trade sanctions and travel bans for key people in the regime. As the Minister explained, among the countries included are Russia, Belarus and Myanmar—formerly Burma. These are currently of the greatest concern and where sanctions are vital to show our concern at the unlawful imprisonment of Alexei Navalny in Russia—as we did previously with the annexation of Crimea and the poisoning of Skripal—and at the unlawful imprisonment of so many people in Belarus, which I am particularly concerned about. We want also to protest and have sanctions in relation to the military coup in Myanmar, as the noble Baroness, Lady Ritchie, and others have said.
While I have some reservations about the determination of the UK Government to take really powerful and effective sanctions, at least we have the capabilities to do so and an effective Opposition to keep up the pressure—whereas I have serious doubts about both the willingness and the capability of some of the overseas territories and Crown dependencies to do so.
Many years ago, when I was an opposition spokesman on foreign affairs in the Commons, I agreed with the then Minister that we should suspend the constitution of the Turks and Caicos Islands because of financial irregularities there. Incidentally, this was done again some years later. We also know that the TCI, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands and Channel Islands are used regularly by people, including some from the countries listed, to set up bogus companies and to carry out and cover up illicit activities. The Governments in some of these territories do not have the financial or legal infrastructure to enforce sanctions, and they often turn a blind eye to, or are even tempted to encourage, the avoidance of sanctions.
We need clear assurances from the Minister, and I hope he will give them to us. First, what assurances have been sought, and received, that each territory will rigorously enforce sanctions—at the very least in the same way as we do it here in the United Kingdom? Is he satisfied with these assurances? Secondly, what confidence does he have that each territory has the infrastructure in financial supervision, legal checks and procedures for prosecution necessary for enforcement, and what help has been offered to those territories which are not properly equipped?
We will have to trust the Minister to answer all these questions in his reply, since we will not be able to properly or effectively intervene if he fails to do so, notwithstanding the opportunities that we do have. But if he does not provide satisfactory assurances, we will need to find other ways to ensure that they are answered and to pursue the matter further. I otherwise support the regulations.
(3 years, 11 months ago)
Lords ChamberTo ask Her Majesty’s Government what representations they have made to the Government of Russia about the arrest of Alexei Navalny.
My Lords, I begin by extending my best wishes and those of your Lordships’ House for health and happiness to the noble Lord, who I understand is 79 years young today.
It is appalling that Alexei Navalny has been detained on arbitrary charges. We raise his case regularly and directly with the Russian Government. On 15 January, immediately prior to his return, the United Kingdom’s ambassador to Moscow raised our concerns with the Russian foreign ministry. My colleague, Minister Morton, who is responsible for our relations, also raised this issue with her Russian counterpart in November 2020. As the noble Lord will know, the Foreign Secretary issued a statement on 18 January calling for Mr Navalny’s immediate and unconditional release.
First, I thank the Minister for his very kind words. Returning to the subject, does he not agree that Alexei Navalny has shown tremendous bravery by returning to Russia after the assassination attempt? Will the Minister agree that the Government might show support for his release, backing it up by increasing sanctions against the Putin-supporting oligarchs based in London in relation to their investments, property purchases and travel to the United Kingdom? That would show some real support in trying to get Alexei Navalny out of prison.
My Lords, I assure the noble Lord that I agree with his sentiments, and I look forward to working with him in this respect. Of course, we keep further sanctions under review but, as he will know, following the poisoning of Alexei Navalny last year, we issued proscriptions against six individuals and the State Scientific-Research Institute of Organic Chemistry and Technology.
(4 years ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, the noble Viscount has made some very practical suggestions that I will certainly take forward. On the general point of how we can shift those who are reliant on the drugs trade within Colombia to alternative means, that is again a very practical suggestion and I can assure him that through our work on the ground, in particular through the embassy, we are working on identifying appropriate measures that can be taken to ensure that we can act responsibly and move people away from narcotics and other drugs.
My Lords, as the Minister said earlier, we have an important role as a member of the UN Security Council. Will he go back to the council and ask for a new initiative via the United Nations to approach President Duque Márquez to persuade him to get the peace process moving again? If we could do that, as a result of this important Question, the United Kingdom would be making a very significant move in the right direction.
(4 years, 3 months ago)
Grand CommitteeMy Lords, at last in a Grand Committee meeting we are having a real debate, and on three excellent reports, the recommendations of which I agree with, particularly the one from the Constitution Committee. However, I am not as optimistic as the noble Earl, Lord Sandwich, and others, that these will be accepted by the Government. This is a Government who currently see the House of Commons as no more than an electoral college for choosing the Prime Minister. Look at the way they treat this House—suggesting that we might move to York and appointing Russian oligarchs to our membership. Does that show confidence in the role of this House as an effective revising Chamber? I certainly do not think so.
As the reports say, the current process for parliamentary scrutiny, at 21 days, is not enough anyway. With all the treaties that we are now having to deal with because of our unfortunate exit from the European Union, it is certainly not enough, as we move towards an increasing and looming disaster. I support the committees’ recommendations to establish a parliamentary treaty review group to examine treaties, to refer them to Select Committees for scrutiny and to create opportunity for parliamentary debate. Like my noble friend Lord Whitty, I think it should be a Joint Committee of both Houses. It should have the status of the Intelligence and Security Committee but not the way that it is appointed. It should be appointed or elected by both Houses.
As others have said, and I have said in the past—and the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor, emphasised—the devolved Administrations must be consulted, particularly on areas where they have a devolved responsibility. I look forward to hearing what we get from the Government in response from the Minister in relation to that.
I look forward to the Minister’s response on when and how the Government will implement the recommendations of this committee, including with regard to the devolved Administrations. I, for one, will be watching very carefully, as I am sure will the noble Baroness, Lady Smith of Newnham, and a number of others on this side of the House, to see whether the words that we hear today are followed up by actions relevant to those words.
(4 years, 4 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, having been involved in human rights issues and working for NGOs both at DfID—which the Government are now shamefully abolishing—and now at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, I strongly support this SI.
I remind the House that the Council of Europe, not the European Union, has always been the principal body focusing on human rights in Europe. Its remit is human rights, democracy and the rule of law, and its membership extends to the 47 countries of Europe, including Russia, not just EU members. Many of the key issues represented in these regulations—media freedom, combating modern slavery, preventing sexual violence in or related to conflict, freedom of religion and belief, torture prevention and the protection of human rights defenders—are regularly covered in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe resolutions and discussions in our committees. The council has agreed resolutions on the brutal murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the ruthless violence against the Rohingya population in Myanmar, and we have raised the Magnitsky issue. It is therefore welcome that many of those involved in these atrocities are included in these regulations.
In supporting what so many have said in this debate, I ask the Government that those who have persecuted the Uyghur people of China should also be included. I hope the Minister will give us a hint, at least, in that direction.
Finally, when considering future designations, will the Government consider seeking the advice of the Intelligence and Security Committee?
(4 years, 5 months ago)
Lords ChamberMy Lords, of course I too support this legislation, which will provide some help to reduce the awful problem of plastic waste, as described so vividly by colleagues. But frankly, we still have an awfully long way to go—it only scratches the surface. There is much more that needs to be done to tackle not just single-use plastics but other types of problem waste in our society. All this work will form an integral part of our green recovery, yet we still have uncertainty over when the Government will publish the second wave of consultations, as has been mentioned already, for the extended producer responsibility scheme, the EPR, and the deposit return scheme, the DRS. We remain in a state of limbo over both. Will the Minister advise the House as to when the secondary consultations will be published?
(4 years, 5 months ago)
Lords ChamberOn some areas I agree very strongly with the noble Baroness. As a champion of free trade, the Government absolutely believe that an ambitious free trade agreement is in both the UK’s and the US’s interests. It will help our economies bounce back following the economic challenges imposed on us by coronavirus. A UK-US free trade agreement will strengthen the economic relationship with what is, let us remember, our largest bilateral trading partner and create opportunities throughout the economy. For example, an agreement with the US could remove tariffs on British beef of up to 26%, which would be worth an enormous amount to our farmers. A free trade agreement could remove the 17% tariff on Cheddar cheese, for example. If a free trade agreement enabled just a 10% increase in exports to the US, that would result in an estimated £90,000 for the average cheese producer. The benefits are very obvious and we are passionately in favour of free trade. However, on standards, it is important that the imports that come into this country do not undercut unfairly our own producers, who are required to produce their food to very high standards in terms of the environment, health and animal welfare.
My Lords, does the Minister recall mad cow disease and when Edwina Currie resigned over the salmonella outbreak? That was in the days when Ministers resigned when they made a mistake. Will he confirm to the noble Lord, Lord Dobbs, and the whole House that chlorine washing chicken hides the bacteria? If the US trade deal goes ahead, what measures will be introduced to ensure the British public are kept safe from any of these threats from the United States?
As has been pointed out many times, we have already legislated by the withdrawal Act against artificial growth hormones and decontaminating poultry carcasses with chlorine. If we were to change that it would require legislation to be brought before Parliament. I have no doubt at all that Parliament would choose not to relax those regulations, and in my view rightly so. The Government have committed, as we did in our manifesto before the election, to ensuring that our high animal welfare and environmental standards are not undermined through the pursuit of free trade agreements.